Is Ramchandra Guha on the Congressional paycheck

Political. 50 years of ADW iz3w. 50 years of ADW & iz3w. Spring 1968: Students found the Third World Campaign.


1 50 years of ADW iz3w 50 years of ADW & iz3w Political Chronicle Spring 1968: Students found the Aktion Third World e.v. Spring 2018: 50 years of iz3w

2 Political Chronicle Years ADW iz3w Political Chronicle Imprint Action Third World e.v. information center 3. welt Kronenstrasse 16a (rear building) D Freiburg i. Br. Telephone: / Bank details GLS Community Bank eg IBAN: DE BIC: GENODEM1GLS Contributions by Jakob Borchers, Martina Backes, Rosaly Magg, Christian Neven-du Mont, Christian Stock Editor Christian Stock, Christian Neven-du Mont Design Martina Backes

3 50 years of ADW & iz3w Foreword Something was in the air, back in spring In retrospect, it does not seem like a coincidence that students met in Freiburg at that time to found the Third World campaign. The widespread social optimism also affected the relationship to the Third World. After colonialism and two world wars, as well as in the face of neocolonial exploitation and anti-colonial liberation, more and more people demanded solidarity with the countries of the south. More precisely: solidarity with the enslaved and oppressed people living there. In the spring of 1968 nobody would have thought that this political impetus would remain alive to this day. A tremendous amount has happened in these long fifty years, in world politics as well as in the ADW and the iz3w operated by it. The political chronicle presented here not only refers to an incredibly numerous and varied activities. It also shows how the political approaches of the iz3w expanded over the decades from lobbying to anti-capitalism to criticism of ideology. It is impossible in such a chronicle to trace all the discussions that have taken place in thousands of meetings and texts. But already the highlights result in a sea of ​​lights. The ADW is an example of the solidarity movement in (West) Germany, of which it has always been a part. According to our research, over 500 people have committed themselves to iz3w over the course of fifty years. For most of them, this period was an important part of their biography, and many still work in social and political organizations today. Very few have made a career, but at least several members of the state parliament, the Bundestag and the European Parliament, a board member of the Heinrich Böll Foundation, several university professors, a general secretary of the German Caritas Association, a DGB press spokesman and a domestic chief of the South Germans went through the iz3w school Newspaper. From today's perspective, we are particularly pleased that not a single Horst Mahler emerged from the iz3w. That speaks for the many self-reflective discussions that were held here, even if they were often exhausting, sometimes even caustic. Unfortunately, the discussions since the 1980s have not been documented as thoroughly as they were in the file-folder-blissful years before. Digitization also has a certain volatility as a consequence who archives it? The authorship of the magazine is more than impressive, as the list in the appendix to the chronicle shows. There are not only an impressive number of names listed, but also very illustrious names. It also becomes clear that not only one political tendency set the tone, but that the magazine was always (left-) plural. In this context, we refer to an attractive offer: The new iz3w-cd contains all the issues of the magazine that have been published so far as a PDF. The best thing about it is: Thanks to a full-text search function, all articles can be searched, regardless of whether they are author names or terms from the article. In addition to some iz3wlerinnen, the history student Jakob Borchers was the main contributor to the creation of this chronicle. In the frame There was something in the air, back in the spring

4 Political Chronicle 4 of an internship, he carefully examined the early years of the ADW in particular. We thank him warmly for his informative and thoroughly entertaining contributions. Now it is no longer buried in files or in a few good memories that the ADW's concerns reached the Federal President at the time. Unfortunately, we have to talk about one thing here: We need more subscriptions so that the iz3w does not become history, but continues to write. We have long since given up hope of ever reaching the peak of the early 1980s. But we need 500 new subscriptions to stabilize the magazine. We therefore ask that you pay attention to the subscription campaign on the back cover page. (Tax-deductible) donations are also very welcome. Account details see under the imprint. Last but not least, those active today would like to thank everyone who made the iz3w the jewel it is for us in previous years! The iz3w team, in January 2018 Bernhard Jimi Merk, Christian Neven-du Mont, Christian Stock, Clara Koller, Friedemann Köngeter, Karim Saleh, Katrin Dietrich, Larissa Schober, Martina Backes, Rosaly Magg, Sascha Klemz, Stephan Günther, Theresa Weck , Winfried Rust, Wolfgang Albrecht

5 50 years of ADW & iz3w Political Chronicle of Action Third World (ADW) and the information center 3. welt (iz3w) Spring 1968 October 1968 A group of Freiburg students gathered around medical student Peter Riedesser (later he became a renowned child and youth psychiatrist) . In the context of a growing awareness of the problems of the Third World in the Federal Republic of Germany, they decide, following the example of Aktion Student auf Land (1965), to draw attention to the need and misery in the countries of the Third World and the need for development aid in the future. Not least the alarmingly good performance of the NPD in the state elections in Baden-Württemberg (9.8 percent) serves as a motivation. Summer 1968 In cooperation between the initiator Riedesser and the Freiburg AStA, preparations are underway for the campaign in the winter semester 1968/69. The Third World Campaign (ADW) is being created as a special section under the umbrella of the AStA. The project will initially be financed by the AStA, the Arbeitsgemeinschaft Bürger im Staat (predecessor of the state center for political education) and the office for contacts with developing countries. The Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation (BMZ) has also guaranteed grants. In addition, the group of supporters is large: the student communities, the political university groups, the Junge Union, the Young Socialists, the Catholic seminar for social work overseas and the Institute for Development Policy declare their willingness to cooperate. The Badische Zeitung (BZ) calls the action a courageous and welcome experiment (BZ, July 19, 1968). A courageous and welcome experiment The weekly newspaper Die ZEIT publishes a large edition of a special edition with articles from ZEIT compiled by ADW, which are intended to arouse understanding for the concerns and needs of developing countries among the public in the Federal Republic of Germany. Among other things, Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker (philosopher, physicist and father of ADW member Ernst Ulrich von Weizsäcker) tries to design new forms for a world order without war. The chief physician of the German hospital ship Helgoland, H. C. Nonnemann, wants more German doctors for developing countries. America correspondent Joachim Schwelin sees America's bread basket no longer adequately filled against the population explosion in the Third World. And Peter Grubbe, who rose from a Nazi district chief to a left-wing liberal intellectual, reports on an Africa in search of its own form of government. The left-Christian newspaper Neues Forum from Austria is also designing a special edition with two articles selected by the ADW: economist Philipp Rieger examines the connections between the Church, Communism, Social Democracy and the Third World, while the Brazilian Archbishop Helder Camara under the title Christians plunder Christians . Or tomorrow the revolution denounces the exploitation of Latin America. The reprints are distributed among Freiburg students in an edition of approx. The Stuttgarter Zeitung (SZ) and the Badische Neuesten Nachrichten (BNN) also publish benevolent articles in which the program and the goals of the ADW are presented. (SZ, October 1st and 8th; BNN, October 11th; Zeit special edition; Neues Forum special edition) 5

6 Political Chronicle October 1968 Peter Riedesser outlines the ADW's program in the university press. One sees itself initially as an educational project that wants to shake up. This is necessary because there is no place among the political priorities for development aid and a national-egoistic navel-gazing policy prevails in the FRG. Riedesser distances himself equally from the repression and trivialization of local experts as well as apolitical almsgiving. The ADW, on the other hand, wants to be active on three fronts: intra-university further education, extra-university education and political confrontation. Firstly, lectures and days of action at the university are intended to sensitize students to the impending catastrophes of apocalyptic proportions. Second, the problem will be brought into the public consciousness by active students, that is, mass education will be provided. Thirdly, the campaign wanted to bring the problems of the Third World into the focus of daily politics and make them the subject of the 1969 Bundestag election. The focus is on the following questions: Where has government development aid previously only meant German government contracts for German industry via the developing countries? To what extent is development aid largely a matter for large-scale industry, which is only interested in opening up new markets regardless of individual needs? Where does development aid as defense policy use other means to cement dictatorships that fit into the short-term strategic concept? (Uni-Presse October 1968) In order to familiarize oneself with the complex topic of development policy, the critical seminar takes place every week. Under the direction of Ernst Ulrich von Weizsäcker (graduate physicist with a second degree in biology; from 1998 to 2005 member of the Bundestag (SPD); since 2012 co-chair of the Club of Rome) and sociology professor Christian Sigrist, the issue is, among other things, the distribution of leaflets, posters and brochures economic situation in the third world and a fundamental criticism of the pragmatic development aid, later in the semester also about disarmament as a prerequisite for development aid and the role of American and German companies in the third world. Further seminars organized by the ADW in the winter semester deal with a textbook and teaching reform (lead: Prof. Hug, PH), with church development aid (lead: D. Lange, Protestant student community), with the possibilities of medical help (lead: Gerd Jacobs , AStA) and with the situation in Persia. (AStA circular no. 3) October 17, 1968 A comment in the Badische Zeitung draws attention to the previous commitment of the ADW: leaflets, posters and brochures were (...) distributed at great financial sacrifice, 50 lectures were given, 30 events were organized . However, it would be helpful to formulate it more popularly, i.e. more easily understood. (BZ, October 17, 1968) November 8, 1968 Professor Oswald v. Nell-Breuning, authority of the Catholic social doctrine, speaks at the invitation of the ADW about the social responsibility of the Catholic Church. He sees it as the task of the church to sharpen the conscience of all believers for the moral duty of help and to create the conditions for this help to arrive in the countries of the Third World. This should not only manifest itself materially, but progress in the human sense is to be striven for, which according to the creative intention of God should be given to all people of every race and every religion. The discussion tries unsuccessfully to elicit concrete instructions for action from the speaker. The students also denounce the church's involvement in colonial crimes. (Badische Zeitung, November 11th)

7 50 years ADW & iz3w November 1968 The ADW is organizing a series of lectures and discussions with renowned scientists and politicians on the subject of development aid as part of a week for the Third World. Leaflets advertise the events with three headings: jobs, peace and justice. More prosperity and purchasing power in the Third World would benefit the German export economy and create jobs. Development aid would prevent conflicts and wars and thus also secure the shaky European peace. Development aid forgive centuries of exploitation by white men. (Leaflet comes to the events of the Third World Campaign) November 13, 1968 The Badische Zeitung reports from the panel discussion Bonn versus APO. In the fully occupied Auditorium Maximum of the University of Freiburg, Dr. Aigner from the CSU and the sociologist Volkholz from the SDS heatedly about the aid for the Third World. There is a fundamental agreement that development aid must be fundamentally reconsidered if one wants to avoid famines at the turn of the millennium. The picture of the previous development aid, painted by a representative of the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), appears poor to the editor of the Badische Zeitung: it serves for personal security, to convey a certain image of Germany and to secure future sales markets. Even Aigner therefore pleads for a change in awareness and a break in taboos in Bonn and in the developing countries in order to lead aid out of the stage of mere almsgiving. However, Volkholz asks about the prerequisites for such a policy and comes to the conclusion that in late capitalism any help could only reach the leading elites and misery administrators in the Third World. Real help would therefore require a change in leadership through armed revolution in the countries of the third world, which must be supported. (BZ, November 13, 1968) November 15, 1968 Ambassador a.d. Dr. Friedensburg (Madagascar) speaks in Collegiate Building I about the role of diplomacy in development aid, with a discussion in particular about the economic benefits of development aid from former colonial powers, which Friedensburg denies. Afterwards a group of activists enters the room and tries to steer the discussion towards the suppression of the Persian student movement by the Shah and the secret processes of the Persian judiciary. Friedensburg and some of the audience do not agree with the change of topic and demonstratively leave the room. (BZ, November 18, 1968) November 18, 1968 Under the motto There is nothing left to appease the ADW fills the Freiburg city hall with a teach-in on development policy. There were up to listeners. The guests are prominent: philosopher and Marxist Ernst Bloch, writer Günther Grass, Minister for Economic Cooperation Erhard Eppler (SPD), Jürgen Horlemann from the Republican Club Berlin There is nothing (member of the extra-parliamentary opposition, APO), and more about the chairman of the Bundestag committee for development policy, Walter Leisler Kiep (CDU). appease the discussion is initiated by the Freiburg ADW activist Ernst Ulrich von Weizsäcker. Moderated by ZDF journalist Reinhard Appel, the guests argue about the following questions: Is development policy pure interests and power politics, business or morality? Should it take place through revolution or evolution? And what should be done specifically? (Badish newspaper). 7th

8 Political Chronicle The positions of the discussion participants reflect the competing revolutionary and reformist tendencies in the debate: Bloch describes development aid as a profitable business, garnished with sentimentality, a new edition of colonialism, and argues for the creation of a new revolutionary society, which can only be achieved after a revolutionary change of the philanthropic foundations could pursue solidarity politics (BZ). Eppler appeals to realism and recognizes the secondary intention of profit behind every development aid. However, this should not be synonymous with the damage to the Third World, which is why he considers gradual reforms to development policy to be sensible. All development aid is a means of securing peace and therefore a long-term investment. Grass also advocates reforms; especially for a joint coordination of development aid from East and West, instead of competition for resources, and the end of arms deliveries. Like Leisler Kiep, he considers the dream of a revolutionary new society to be unrealistic and an alibi for doing nothing. Horlemann considers a dichotomy between North and South to be an obstacle to understanding the real structures of late capitalism, and thus the economic and political problems of development policy. He specifically refers to the example of Persia and, after the latter has called himself through to the microphone, brings the Persian literary scholar Bahman Nirumand onto the stage as a guest speaker. After some commotion and after choruses like Zerschlagt die ADW, Nirumand gives a lengthy address on the injustice regime of the Persian Shah and the condemnation of Persian students. The action was i.a.planned by the SDS in order to benefit from the awareness of the guests and the ADW co-financed by the BMZ through parasitic publicity (SDS leaflet). Last but not least, the organizers criticize the fact that Peter Riedesser, as the person in charge of the ADW, expressed his solidarity verbally in the run-up, but refused to invite Nirumand himself. In the event that Nirumand had not been allowed to come to Zerschlagt die ADW Wort, SDS people arm themselves with colored bags with which selected suits [] could have been colored if necessary (according to a letter to the editor in the Badische Zeitung). (BZ, November 21, 1968; leaflet JSG, DISG, SDS) November 1968 In the addendum to the development policy event marathon, Peter Riedesser defends himself against a journalistic rampage against the ADW. Mr. Jeuthe from the SDS attacks Riedesser and von Weizsäcker in the Freiburg student newspaper for the ADW's invitation policy and the lack of support for the Persian students - an SDS leaflet calls this humanity drudgery by benevolent liberals. Riedesser defends himself and explains that Ambassador Friedensburg was not invited because they shared his opinion, but because they wanted to have a substantive debate. He also denies the accusation of a lack of solidarity with the Persian students. Only Nirumand's unforgettable appearance prevented the distribution of a solidarity resolution. Jeuthe's argumentation is nothing more than a house of cards of pseudo-arguments and his ideological paranoia borders on argumentative self-castration. This is all the more surprising, since the funding of ADW by the BMZ, which Jeuthe criticized, also financed thousands of leaflets for the SDS. December 10, 1968 Students at the Freiburg University of Education (PH) take action. The PH-AStA converts Human Rights Day to Third World Day and organizes lectures, discussions and film screenings for future primary school teachers. For example, Uwe Henrichs, a graduate economist, asked the question: Would a third world war be the result of a population explosion and famine? Students from third world countries bring their wishes into account in presentations

9 50 years ADW & iz3w 68 9 profound changes in the political and social structures, if necessary also expressed in a revolutionary way. And also in the panel discussion What do we have to do with the Third World? With the religious scholar Fischer Barnicol, BMZ Ministerialrat Jelden and social scientist Sternstein, the focus is on the controversy over development policy reforms or revolutionary social change. In addition, two working groups are founded, which are dedicated to a textbook and teaching reform, as well as an analysis of the previous teaching materials. (BZ, December 11, 1968; ADW documentation) December 1968 As early as October, the Association of German Student Unions (VDS) officially welcomed the ADW and called on student bodies across West Germany to do their own activities. Subsequently, the Medical Association (FVM) in the VDS agrees to carry out a nationwide Third World campaign. What do we have to do with the Third World? The December issue of the journal Der Medizinstudent, published by the FVM, is entirely devoted to the medical problems of the Third World and has the headline: Third World, Third Force. In it, the Federal Minister of Health, Käte Strobel (SPD), welcomed the educational contribution as an active peace policy. H.C. Nonnemann, first chief physician of the German hospital ship Helgoland, expresses his sympathy for the Freiburg students with a feeling of deep satisfaction. (The medical student, December 1968)

10 10 Political Chronicle January / February 1969 The Medical Student Council of the University of Heidelberg attacks the ADW. In the January issue of the medical student, she accuses the ADW of a lack of political reflection under the title Blinders Medicine or Schizophrenia of Charity and describes the FVM title topic of the December issue as naive humanitarian. A counter-action, Liberated Areas, had already been started in November, which the student councils of Tübingen and Marburg have now also joined. The pamphlet of the counter-action pleads for a revolutionary war of the popular masses based on the Maoist model. We hear from the Tübingen SDS that the creation of a new Vietnam would not be a tragedy, but an honor and a duty for everyone who really stands up to the Third World. In the February edition of the medical student, the Freiburg medical student body defends itself in the article Many Vietnamese Prevent Neither apolitical almsgiving nor dreaming of revolution against the allegations. The ADW is not a charitable and naive humanitarian cardboard comrade, because they called early on to politicize the action. One simply wanted to look at the problem of development aid from all sides at the beginning in order to arrive at a critical analysis. Fundamentally critical questions about the current practice of development aid are regularly asked in the critical seminar. One therefore shares some of the Heidelberg analyzes without, however, wanting to glorify the magic word revolution unquestionably: Anyone who proclaims such Mao quotes is in danger of falling into a naive, revolutionary, politically irresponsible and scientifically unsustainable activism. Because the talk of civil war is objectively inhumane and can only be described as ideological neocolonialism. Instead of deducing from ideologisms, one must learn to understand the problem of development in all its complexity. Instead of empty slogans, the aim is to develop political alternatives and unconventional methods to end exploitation and to bring about the social upheaval that is necessary in many developing countries. (Medical student, January & February) January 1969 The medical faculty of the University of Freiburg wants to actively provide development aid. For the 1969 summer semester, the medical faculty committee is planning, among other things, a tropical medicine lecture series as preparation for deployment in development aid, the establishment of assistant apprenticeships for returned development workers and support for partner universities and hospitals in third world countries. The basic clinic project idea by H.C. Nonnemann, who wants to promote the training and secondment of German doctors in developing countries, should be actively used as a starting point for the discussion about immediate medical measures. (BZ, January 29, 1969; ADW documentation) January 1969 Cost estimate for the revolution In an event organized by the ADW and the Evangelical Student Congregation, political scientist Dr. Theodor Ebert on social conflicts in the Third World. He also denounces the economic exploitation by the industrialized countries, but does not believe that a violent revolution could improve the situation in the countries of the Third World. A cost estimate for the revolution shows that revolutions are mostly paid for with the deaths of innocent people and tend to end in authoritarian military dictatorships. For Christians in particular, he finds, the thought that creation is so corrupted that it can only be improved by force is unbearable. Instead of revolution, he calls for a strategy of non-violence, implemented in the Third World through the self-organization of the oppressed and extensive educational efforts. In the West, the youth should not stylize themselves as revolutionaries, but rather put the economy under pressure through targeted refusal to consume, for example. (BZ, January 14, 1968)

11 50 years ADW & iz3w January 1969 Die Welt dedicates an article to ADW. The campaign, whose main responsibility she identifies as Peter Riedesser and Ernst Ulrich von Weizsäcker, now has around 40 volunteers and is spreading across Germany to other universities. Fortunately, as an opponent of the radical SDS, she also represents the large group of students who consider critical political engagement to be necessary, but who cannot make friends with the revolutionary ambitions of the SDS. (Die Welt, January 22nd) Winter semester 1968/69 In the February issue of the magazine Development and Cooperation of the German Foundation for Developing Countries (DSE), ADW activist Siegfried Bartels takes stock of the criticism and commitment of the campaign in the winter semester. The impending famine had given the ADW the impetus, and they are now aware of further problems in connection with the misery in the Third World. Against the naive carelessness in the population, the ADW wanted to draw attention to the failed development policy of the FRG. In particular, the adherence to the so-called Hallstein Doctrine (breaking off diplomatic relations with countries that recognize the GDR) criticized Bartels. As a domestic policy turned outward, it is responsible for the fact that development aid is often in the hands of the Ministry of the Interior and not with Eppler's BMZ. Overall, the development aid of the FRG is neither efficient nor financially sufficient. Bartels sees the main reasons for this in the development structures of the FRG: development projects are often incorrectly planned, not adequately checked and often only kept alive for reasons of prestige. The Reich Budgetary Regulations do not leave enough financial leeway for flexible help from the BMZ; the BMZ is still not involved

12 Political Chronicle specialized social scientists, but staffed with lawyers; And last but not least, the aid too often proceeds according to the watering can principle and not in the sense of long-term planning. In addition to criticizing West German development policy, Bartels also criticized German foreign trade. Industrial nations are actively involved in the exploitation of the third world, where e.g. falling raw material prices contrast with rising capital goods prices. The subject of the ADW should therefore always be a critical analysis of the economic and political relationships between industrialized nations and the Third World. In addition to the demands for development policy reforms, there is also a criticism of the global North-South relationship in the sense of the dependency theory. According to Bartels, the aim of the campaign has so far been to create awareness of these problems in as large and heterogeneous a group of people as possible. In addition to the numerous discussions and lectures, leaflets were distributed between and and a 30-page instruction booklet for elementary and secondary schools was designed in an edition of copies. be. The previous commitment serves as the basis for now developing a program for the 1969 summer semester. Above all, it should be used to prepare for the federal election in September, in which one wants to intervene actively in the interests of the Third World. (Development and Cooperation, February 1969) March 15, 1969 Self-organization of the oppressed The magazine Orientation Katholische Blätter for ideological information gives an overview of the commitment of the ADW in the winter semester. She prints a letter from a Freiburg student (abbreviation: M.v.G.) to the Münster theology professor Karl Rahner, who asks whether the Münster faculty, with its prominent staff, would like to become a little avant-garde in matters of development. The church has a historical chance, because only church members in the industrialized nations can change their consciousness and the consciousness of their nation in such a way that open and hidden forms of exploitation are ended. Within the university one tries to familiarize oneself more deeply with the subject, e.g. through a critical basic seminar, a seminar on church development aid, a seminar on textbook reform and a seminar on the development of a contrast program for German lecture relationships. The ADW is proud of the broad impact that the campaign has achieved so far. The group of employees is no longer limited to students, but includes, among other things, skilled workers, teachers and high school students. Local party groups also tried to establish contacts: The FDP wants to work out a development policy program with the ADW, the Junge Union organize a panel discussion with ADW members, and the Young Socialists Offenburg are planning to join the campaign. Funding is now primarily provided by public institutions such as the BMZ, whereby Bartels emphasizes that this is not tied to any political conditions.Summer semester 1969 There is also the critical seminar in the summer semester with the following sessions: The political economy of relations between the developing countries and the western countries Industrial companies (K. Poser); Typical social structures in industrial societies (Chr. Sigrist / G. Spittler); Problems of the industrialization of developing countries (J. Föhrenbach); Problems of agrarian reform in developing countries (U.v. Pufendorf); Education and training problems in developing countries (T. Hanf); Revolution as a preparatory condition for socio-economic progress in developing countries (Chr. Sigrist); Smash the development aid (SDS-Kollek-tivreferat); Against a development policy as a form of national economic foreign policy.

13 50 years of ADW & iz3w 1969 ADW adopts a 17-point program with the title Foundations of a new, more credible developing country policy. It contains some points on economic exchange: 1. Stabilization of raw material prices on the world market; 2. Reduction of trade restrictions such as protective tariffs in the industrialized countries, on the other hand concessions to the protection of the domestic markets of the developing countries; 3. Refinement and transport of raw materials by local companies; 4. Withdrawal of Western companies from the extractive industries. The definition of development aid: 6. Only technical aid and low-interest and low-repayment loans are referred to as such; 7. Aid in comparatively developed countries such as Israel, Greece and Portugal should not be listed. Regarding the scope and form of development aid: 8. Increase in development aid to one percent of gross national product, increase to two percent by 1975 through savings in military spending; 9. Focus on technical assistance in education and training systems; 10. Shifting the focus from bilateral to multilateral aid through organizations that must include representatives of developing countries with equal rights; 11. Restriction of aid to countries striving for development and reform (except in the education sector), including those with a socialist economic system; 12. Refusal of any military aid and measures against private arms exports. Finally, on development policy administration: 13. Redistribution of competencies in the Federal Government in favor of the BMZ; 14. More carefully thought-out task for developing country research by the BMZ; 15. Increased efficiency through better training of helpers, as well as expansion of the BMZ's authority to issue instructions to embassies; 16. A more flexible financial regulation as a replacement for the Reich budget regulation of the BMZ; 17. A self-critical and problem-oriented explanation by the BMZ. June 1969 The development aid is smashed At a lecture in the Freiburg House of Youth, the ADW, in the person of Heinz Eicher and André Edou from Cameroon, renews its criticism of West German development aid policy. It becomes clear that the ADW is demanding not only more, but also better quality development aid. Considering the business conduct that still determines development policy, it is cynical to speak of aid at all. Of the 6.5 billion German marks in development aid annually, 1.2 billion flowed to the World Bank, which it passed on to developing countries in the form of high-interest loans. Two thirds of the remaining 5.3 billion were made up of direct investment and export credits from the private sector. These funds would either be used for the development of completely insignificant industries such as jewelry and toys, or they would even lead to direct exploitation if the aid only went to the raw materials industry. There, German investors could earn up to 50 percent of the investment amount annually as a profit and purchase cheap raw materials at bargain prices. The remaining 2.1 billion would be distributed as loans at low interest rates. However, the award is associated with an obligation to place orders with German industry, as well as a fixed quota of raw materials that have to be delivered to Germany at low fixed prices. Last but not least, such a policy is responsible for the fact that e.g. the income of a cocoa farmer from the Ivory Coast fell from 5 marks per kilo in 1954 to 20 pfennigs per kilo in 1966. German politicians mostly regret such developments, but when it comes to the negotiating table, they would become tough businessmen. In contrast, only uncompromising clarification can help, especially with regard to the federal election in September. (BZ, June 23, 1969) 13

14 Political Chronicle until July 6, 1969 At the suggestion of the Freiburg ADW, the German Foundation for Developing Countries (DSE) organizes an exchange of experiences between student and youth groups who are active in development aid. The group of participants at the conference in Berlin-Tegel shows the supraregional development of the ADW: In addition to the Freiburg ADW students Siegfried Bartels, Bernhard Cremer, Georg Cremer, André Edou, M. Molls and Peter Riedesser, there are also representatives of ADWs from the universities of Darmstadt, Eichstätt, Essen, Esslingen, Göppingen, Göttingen, Reutlingen and Weingarten; also members of various Christian organizations, the international working group of the Studienkreis Foundation, the hunger march committee and Terre des Hommes. capitalist system could be led. (Conference report DSE) July 1969 As an addendum to the conference in Berlin-Tegel, the Freiburg ADW publishes a text by Siegfried Bartels, which is intended as a contribution to the strategy discussion of the Tegel Group.Bartels' vision of the group's further course of action stands out as symptomatic of the reformism of the early Freiburg ADW. It is titled: A lobby for the developing world alternative to the SDS strategy. After initially only wanted to provide clarification, it is time to give the political protest more impetus (), which can only mean building a kind of lobby for the Third World. The representatives decide to set up an information redistribution center (IUZ) for the so-called Tegel group. The IUZ is to be temporarily located in Freiburg, not as an umbrella organization, but as the central point of a supraregional communication network for the regular distribution of materials and the coordination of joint activities. The basic idea is to intervene in the election campaign for the Bundestag election in September 1969 under the motto Election Campaign for the Third World. 19 of the groups present in Berlin-Tegel declare themselves ready to take part in the election campaign. As a result, according to the Freiburg ADW, posters and stickers will be distributed nationwide (2nd circular from the Tegel Group). Finally, the representatives cannot agree on a joint press release; the Freiburg ADW withdraws its declaration. Two statements are printed in the conference report to indicate the breadth of the discussion between the radical revolutionary approach and reformist efforts. The International Working Group recognizes the cause of the exploitation of the Third World in the structure of the monopoly capitalist system, which is why the fight against the exploitation of the Third World is only a fight against our The necessity of direct influence on politics Bartels justifies with a rejection of the SDS . It is not foreseeable that the political and economic system in the FRG will change in the near future. In the meantime it is very possible to improve the situation in the Third World within the framework of the existing situation without immediately perpetuating conditions of exploitation. Keynes had shown that late capitalism did not depend on the imperialist opening up of sales markets in the Third World, but could also be kept alive from within through a state interventionism and the () generation of new consumer needs. Since there is no system-immanent compulsion to exploit, a political majority could do a lot in favor of the Third World. More effective and extensive development aid would, according to Bartels, significantly soften the social structures in developing countries and thus be more helpful than supporting any kind of liberation movement. Election campaign for the Third World Bartels sums up: Without accepting the factual here in the FRG, one should for the time being come to terms with this in an oppositional function in order to make a contribution to the change of the factual in the Third World. Heinecke Werner justified the long march

15 50 years ADW & iz3w through the institutions philosophically: One does not want to get rid of the problem in huge dialectical leaps in such a way () that it is reduced to a simple criticism of the system, but try to do justice to the existing conditions in their actual interdependencies by means of a critical rationalism to become. July 16 to 20, 1969 ADW takes part in the Protestant Church Congress in Stuttgart, which this year is led by Richard von Weizsäcker, later Federal President and uncle of ADW member Ernst Ulrich von Weizsäcker. In the working group Justice in a Revolutionary World, Siegfried Bartels speaks about the ignorance of German politics towards hunger in the Third World and pleads for a multiplication and more efficient organization of development aid. In a hearing for journalists, Peter Riedesser speaks out against the uncritical and sensational reporting in the German press landscape. In Stuttgart, the focus is also on the federal elections: Under the motto Election campaign for the Third World: Hunger must become an election campaign issue, an attempt is made to form a lobby for development policy reforms. A few hundred visitors to the Kirchentag register in an electoral campaign index, coordinated from Freiburg, which is supposed to ensure that nationwide volunteers in every constituency and in every electoral assembly bring critical questions about development aid to the election campaign. November 21-23 & December 27-28, 1969 At the initiative of the Freiburg ADW, the Tegel Group meets in November at Ludwigstein Palace near Kassel. The plan is to permanently install a Third World information center in Hamburg under the direction of Wolfram Brünger, which will take over the functions of the previous temporary facility in Freiburg. It is to be run as a non-profit association and financed by funds from the BMZ. In December they will meet again in Mainz to discuss the basic political direction of the group. The Freiburg proposal for a lobby is met with strong headwinds, including from the Frankfurt ADW. The term lobby suggests unreflectedly close to the economy and ignores the systemic problem of development aid. Bartels concept is nothing more than a reformist pseudo-strategy. It was agreed to meet again in the spring of 1970 to discuss the position and function of the new information center. (Objectives and working methods of the Third World Information Center; No lobby for the Third World Criticism of a Freiburg pseudo-strategy (Klaus Nikolajczyk)) December 12, 1969 During a demonstration against the Vietnam War organized by the AStA, riots broke out in downtown Freiburg. Under slogans such as peace on earth weapons for the Viet Cong or the USA, SA, SS, SDS activists smashed eleven windows of the Deutsche Bank and forcibly gain access to the barricaded America House. The commentator for the Badische Zeitung condemned the riots. While the ADW is peacefully selling cane sugar to get the citizens on their side, the SDS is lonely cooking its socialist soup. This is a shame, because violent actions would also discredit the ADW. All those who are honestly committed would once again be classified as long-haired, slouching and rotten Radau brothers because, out of sheer solidarity, they are unable to put the Radikalinskis in their place. (BZ, December 13/14) December 13, 1969 The ADW participates in the Christian Christmas Solidarity Christmas campaign together with the Protestant Student Community, the Association of German Catholic Youth and the Protestant Youth. The focus is on a consumer criticism from the West: the contrast between our high level of consumerism

16 Peace on Earth - Weapons for the Viet Cong 16 sum and the need in the developing countries are particularly obvious at Christmas. Exorbitant consumption in the West is only possible through the exploitation of the Third World, and so, according to the campaign, results in the absurd fact that at the time of the feast of love, exploitation is carried out on a very large scale. The consumer should be asked whether he should not forego goods from which he knows that our economy benefits from them at the expense of the developing countries, and whether he should not actually consume things for which he has no immediate need , restricts. On Saturday, a public campaign against the developmental grievances will take place on the Kaiser-Joseph-Straße shopping street in Freiburg. Members of the ADW sell one kilo of cane sugar from third world countries for the original price of 50 pfennigs in order to protest against the increase in the sugar price due to the European protective tariff policy. The SDS accuses the ADW people of CDU methods. The protection of domestic sugar beet farmers by the European Economic Community (EEC) is damaging the economies of many third world countries, which are dependent on the export of sugar. Development policy would mean actively helping production there to recover. Baden-Württemberg's Prime Minister Filbinger also treats himself to a bag of sugar in the hustle and bustle of Christmas. In addition to the sale of sugar, the unjust distribution of goods around the world is also being pointed out through street theater and poster marches by Freiburg school students. The SDS accuses the ADW people of CDU methods and also condemns the cooperation with the church: the pastors are still in the middle of it with you (SDS leaflet). At least the Badische Zeitung recognizes in the action a demonstration that makes you think. (BZ, December 15, 1969; SDS leaflet) December 16, 1969 ADW representatives (including Peter Riedesser, Wolfang Gruber) travel to Bonn for a discussion with Federal President Gustav Heinemann (SPD). Together with more than 50 representatives of other groups, e.g. the Hamburg SDS, the Tricont groups Cologne or the Aktion Selbststeuererung, German development policy should be at stake. The guests in the discussion do not agree on suitable countermeasures against hunger in the Third World, which is why the Federal President has some difficulty in distinguishing the various approaches and points of view. The conversation is then also characterized by communication difficulties. Heinemann finally agrees with the students that development aid should not only be understood as a handout, but as an independent aspect of modern politics. However, the students overestimated the Federal President's specific influence, and many of the proposed measures are simply not practicable from a political point of view. Nevertheless, the ADW representatives perceive Heinemann to be an interested and open discussion partner. (BZ,)

17 50 years of ADW & iz3w until March 8, 1970 Representatives of development organizations no longer meet under the name of the Tegel Group to discuss the Third World Information Center. Due to the not yet resolved content-related differences and the lack of formal legal sponsorship, which the BMZ made a financing condition, the provisional organization remains the responsibility of the Freiburg-based ADW. The minutes of the conference in Neuweilnau show that the Freiburg position on the orientation of the group has not prevailed. The majority of those present are in favor of making the anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist struggle the basis of the IZ's work on development aid not just as a handout and criticizing development aid as a supplementary function within the overall strategy of monopoly capitalism. An eight-person preparatory commission is elected to organize the establishment of the information center. Without Freiburg participation, the elected come from Cologne, Bonn, Bochum, Berlin and Marburg. As a first official act, the commission meets with representatives of the BMZ in Bonn in April. However, the BMZ is withdrawing the two-year funding promised at the meeting and is demanding a detailed outline of the planned content-related and organizational work. The commission then sees counterrevolutionary tendencies at work and refuses a compromising alibi radio

18 To keep a political chronicle for the Federal Government. She decides to give up the Third World project - but people like Siegfried Bartels would soon try to secure a post with the Third World IZ. Meanwhile, people in Freiburg are complaining that they are in danger of drowning in requests for information. (Minutes of the Neuweilnau conference & report of the preparatory commission; 4th circular from the Freiburg ADW) April 27-28, 1970 The ADW causes a stir in Bonn. At the suggestion of numerous development groups, the Bundestag Committee for Economic Cooperation is hearing on the subject of development aid. Peter Riedesser, as a representative of the only critically active working group, is invited to answer the committee's eleven questions, but leaves the hearing on the second day under protest, without having spoken himself: The hearing is nothing more than an uncritical army show more powerful industry associations and interest groups. In its press release, the ADW protests against the invitation of lobbyists from Deutsche Bank, the Working Group for Developing Countries of the Federation of German Industry, the Federation of German Trade Unions and the Federation of German Taxpayers. In addition, the committee members were too incompetent to critically question the powerful lobbyists. And even the few church and academic representatives with their unsuspecting questions could not have succeeded in setting a critical impulse. Under these circumstances, Riedesser does not want to fill the alibi function of the critical court jester and decides to leave. Without further ado, they organize their own press conference: The topic is the Cabora Bassa dam project in the Portuguese colony of Mozambique. Companies like AEG, Voith and Hochtief AG are actively making profits there from Portugal's cruel colonial regime, and in Germany this is still considered development aid. The arms deliveries to other third world countries should also be criticized. (FAZ, April 28 and 29; ADW press release May 10, 1970) July 29 to 3, 1970 The ADW threatens to drown in requests for information Change of power in Freiburg! The ADW list won five seats in the student council election with 16.7 percent of the votes (voter turnout: 32.7 percent) and, together with the Social Democratic University Association (SHB; 33.9 percent, 11 seats), forms the new AStA. He replaces the Democratic Center (DM). For the ADW move into the student council: Wolfgang Gruber (medicine), Michael Schmidt-Hieber (medicine), Francis Mukasa (medicine), Martin Weiss (geosciences) and Christine Bender (law). Others on the list were: Georg Stingl, Heinecke Werner, Gerd Schillmöller, Ruth Kronenberger, Bernd Moser, Arnold Hundsdörfer, Michael Müller Schwefe). The election result is interpreted as a sign that it has been possible to bring the importance and problems of the developing countries and their relationship to the industrialized nations to the student body. Now the ADW wants to renew its university engagement after it had placed the extra-university education in the center in the last semesters. However, they do not see themselves in competition, but complementary to other progressive university groups: The common political intersections with the critical SPD-related SHB and its progressive reform ideas provide the cooperative framework. The SHB distances itself from the SDS, which did not run for election, and its half-strong demeanor of rebellious little bourgeois sons, as well as from the opportunistic chameleon politics of the conservatives who are interested in the party career. The new AStA of the links groups (Badische Zeitung) considers a utopian maximum program to be politically unwise and promises with one

19 50 years of ADW & iz3w to operate a realistic minimum program of university policy. (Allgemeine Wahlzeitung; SHB Wahlzeitung; Freiburger Studentenzeitung; BZ, July 6, 1970) October 1970 The ADW is now officially part of the AStA and forms three sections. She continues to strive to build a lobby for the Third World. In the sense of the dependency theory, the hierarchical relationship of dependency between industrialized nations and the third world is also the focus of the analysis. The first semester information for the new winter semester says: The role of Europe and North America is () a triggering (colonialism) and reinforcing (arms trade, private-entrepreneurial exploitation, political and military support of governments unwilling to reform). However, the ADW also believes that the West can continue to make a decisive contribution to the emancipation of the Third World by means of a clever development aid policy: The technological assets and natural and social science knowledge () could provide the means and standards for a policy in and towards developing countries return the opposite sign. The ADW therefore still sees itself as a lobby for a reorientation of West German development aid policy. This should happen within the existing political structural conditions, whereby the volume of the announcement of one's own will must not become a disruptive factor (). In the winter semester, the following speakers are responsible for proclaiming one's own will at an appropriate volume: Siegfried Bartels on German Development Aid - Myth and Reality; Fritz Hemmerich asks private investments in developing countries, who are they good for? ; Henning How helpless are we actually? Pot on the world food crisis; Heinecke Werner wants to know, world trade scourge of exploitation? ; and Peter Riedesser speaks to The developing countries in the German press, India The focus of development problems and colonialism yesterday and today? (Information for the first semester WS 1970/71; Our Bridge (communications from the Catholic Youth Archdiocese of Freiburg), Dec. 1970) November 1970 A new, collectively published strategy paper gives an insight into the successive changes in the content of the ADW. One slowly begins to argue in the sense of a more radical criticism of the system: Development policy is inherently flawed, since the late capitalist economic system () state or national policy at times crucial points in the maintenance needs, the urge to expand and the profit expectations of an ever smaller number of (...) private corporations and large banks. One could therefore imagine that a radical new regulation of the rights of disposal over economically important means of production () would in theory be the most direct and fastest way to put an end to the exploitative external determination of the Third World by the First. Such a critique of capitalism must be the basis for any discussion about the Third World.However, they do not want to part with the path they have taken so far. Admittedly, due to its negative connotation, the term lobby is being abandoned and it is now being declared an opposition to development policy. But one must continue to orientate oneself in the procedure to the daily political business and the possibilities of realpolitical influence. This is generally justified by 19

20 20 Welt (iz3w) launched in Freiburg. To implement the Ludwigsteiner model, one works together with various groups from the Freiburg area (KHG, development work group of the SPD, peace march, SHB, work group Freiburg students). The focus is on three projects: A regularly published information sheet with the title Blätter des iz3w; a series of publications with pamphlets on development policy; and the detailed documentation and archiving of development policy material. (ADW strategy paper: How helpless are we actually? Chances and methods of an extra-parliamentary development policy opposition) the current stability of capitalism and specifically through the rejection of the imperialism theory by Keynes, which was already suggested by Siegfried Bartels. Since German politics and industry also by no means represent uniform interests, it is therefore very possible to mitigate bad things or to prevent worse things. What seems reformist is accompanied in the new strategy paper by distancing itself from development policy reformism. The 1969 e.g. The positions formulated in the 17-point program are understood as an ideological transition stage, which is now to be overcome using the trial-and-error method. Every demand that increases the political and economic dependence of the developing countries on the FRG or () aims at a capitalist pre-formation of the developing countries must be criticized. The utopian project of mass enlightenment must first be shelved and other political youth groups must be approached more specifically. The establishment of the Information Center Third November 1970 as a coordination point for a nationwide development policy opposition. Distancing from reformism in development policy. The first edition of the iz3w is published. It is what the name promises: a collection of loose sheets of paper stapled together. The printing templates are made on the living room table with the help of a typewriter, scratch-off letters, drawing pad and Uhu glue. From now on the sheets will appear eight times a year and serve as the central medium of the ADW. In terms of content, the sheets provide information on events and dates for networking Third World groups, as well as content analyzes. The first edition contains a summary of the German Forum for Development Policy with Minister Erhard Eppler, as well as an analysis of the world sugar market and the consequences of private investments in the Third World. The claim is entirely scientific: every analysis is provided with footnotes. (Sheets of iz3w, No. 1; The work of the Third World Campaign, a self-portrayal). The second edition of the iz3w will appear in January. It comes up with a boycott of the companies AEG-Telefunken, BBC, Hochtief, Siemens and J. Voith, who are involved in the construction of the Cabora-Bassa dam in Mozambique.

21 June 21 to 26, 1971 The coalition of SHB and ADW defends its majority in the AStA (voter turnout: 34.6 percent). The ADW wins one seat while the SHB loses two seats. The Communist Spartakusbund, which came into being for the first time, immediately won five seats. The members of the ADW are: Georg Stingl (mathematics, politics), Luise Teubner (German studies, philosophy, sociology), Tan Tie Keng (medicine; Indonesian student association), Ursula Tietze (German, history, politics), Bernd Sandbothe (chemistry, Politics), Bernhard Mellein (Politics, Romance Studies), Sadik Al-Saraf (Forest Studies; Arab Student Union), Friedhelm Hemmerich (Politics), Lioba Palenberg (Romance Studies, Sociology, Politics), Heinecke Werner (Politics), Josef Geue (Theology, German Studies ), Bernhard Merk (philosophy, politics), Reiner Ruft (English, French), Edwin Loherstorfer (English, sociology, history), Wolfgang Gruber (medicine), Ernst Helmuth Flammer (mathematics, music), Gerd Schillmöller (medicine), Ruth To support Cronenberg (medicine) and Bernhard Moser (medicine) and Asia through solidarity and concrete work (), so that the stranglehold of capitalism does not completely tighten over these countries. The Cabora Bassa dam project in Mozambique is an important impetus for radicalization. Subsidized by the federal government, German private companies would earn money there from the Portuguese colonial regime project. German universities in Darmstadt, Heidelberg and Stuttgart made themselves complicit when they carry out orders for the economy, e.g. for high voltage transmission of the dam. In relation to the people in Mozambique it is no longer justifiable to hope for a change in the local system. The liberation must come, whether by force or not, remains open. (Allgemeine Wahlzeitung; BZ, June 28, 1971) 21 The advancing radicalization of the ADW becomes clear in the election manifesto. At the center is the basic contradiction of our capitalist economic and social system () between social production and private appropriation. This basic structure of capitalism would have its ugliest manifestation in the unjust relationship between the West and the Third World, which is further explained from the perspective of dependency theory. The ADW called for no more and no better development aid in the summer of 1971, but it seems clear: a strategy that is directed against the exploitation of the Third World must () necessarily also be anti-capitalist. Solidarity with revolutionary movements in the Third World is also becoming more concrete: [T] he Action Third World [sees] its main task in () the emancipatory struggle of liberation movements and progressive forces in the countries of Latin America and Africa

22 22 Political Chronicle July 1971 ADW introductory evening on the subject: Anyone who talks about hunger in the world must not be silent about capitalism. Whoever switches the assembly line faster here also exploits the workforce in the Third World; Those who earn money here from the Cold War also earn from hot wars in the EL through arms exports. The network of global contexts of exploitation must be the subject of the ADW and be combated in a three-step political strategy: In the long term, the abolition of the capitalist economic system; In the medium term, the public criticism of the weak points in the system as well as the elaboration of socialist counter-models; and mitigate the worst in the short term and prevent the worst, e.g. through protest actions against Cabora-Bassa or support for liberation movements. Sommer The ADW withdraws from university politics and devotes itself to the anti-imperialist struggle. The AStA had degenerated into a functionary apparatus without an active basis; here and there a teach-in or a demonstration no longer meets the needs of the group. The real task lies in mediating between the emancipatory struggle of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and the development work of the progressive students in the metropolises. The central problem is the formation of a basis for an anti-imperialist front; its non-existence requires more theoretical work. As a consequence, the ADW wants to focus on strengthening the group and the theoretical foundation of its work. (To the student council election) Winter semester 1972/73 February 1972 At the invitation of the ADW, Alberto Bento-Ribeiro speaks at the University of Freiburg. Bento-Ribeiro is an engineer (studied in Aachen) and a member of the Angolan Liberation Movement (MPLA). The MPLA has been waging war against the Portuguese colonial rule since 1961, which, among other things, is using plant killers and napalm against the population, and in 1972 it controls the eastern third of Angola. Bento-Ribeiro particularly denounces NATO's arms deliveries to Portugal, especially from the USA and Germany. May 4, 1972 The ADW internationalism department invites you to teach-in: The guest is a representative of the Namibia / South West Africa liberation movement SWAPO, which is fighting against the occupation by the South African apartheid regime, which is economically supported by Germany. Besides South Africa, the biggest opponent of SWAPO is international capital. (Event poster) The group's temporary retreat on itself can partly be understood from internal conflicts. Hans-Curt (Flemming?), Roland (Beckert?) And Luise (Teubner?) Describe a process of partial division with a polemical and sometimes almost malicious character. In the discussions about the Portugal Tribunal (see below), large theoretical gaps had emerged; terms such as state and imperialism were dealt with in an undifferentiated manner. Logically, one plows through Lenin's theory of imperialism and appropriates the criticism of political economy, even if the time between appropriation of the theory and political action [] gradually feels long. The ADW is committed to the anti-imperialist struggle. The discussions about crisis theory and realpolitik ignite a latently smoldering conflict. On one side is the group around Siba (Siegfried Bartels) and Fritz (Hemmerich). It understands capitalism in the FRG as stable and does not see imperialism as a necessary crisis regulator of problems of exploitation. In the election campaign she supports the SPD, as it is the best basis for creating a quantitatively

23 50 years ADW & iz3w offer a significant left mass base. On the other side there is a group that constitutes itself as the ak-Fraktion (Africa Committee Fraction). It understands capitalism as permanently crisis-ridden and imperialism as a necessary result. She rates the SPD as the most progressive in the sense of capital, i.e. in the sense of [] preventing communism. The former group fears, also for professional reasons, the transformation of the ADW into an internationalism wing of the KPD, the latter criticizes adaptation and reform orientation.After personal insults, allegations and mutual doubts about leftism take up too much space, the AK group partially splits off . Furthermore, ADW and the Blätter offer space for quite heterogeneous opinions in the left spectrum, but they are clearly oriented towards an anti-Reformation standpoint. Anti-imperialism work becomes the fulcrum of practical activism and theoretical work. (An attempt to describe the developments in the ADW since the end of 1971) to January 14, 1973 The Freedom for Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique congress takes place in Dortmund. The congress arose from the idea of ​​a Portugal tribunal, which had been discussed since the end of 1971 (iz3w papers, no. 11/12). Based on the famous Vietnam Tribunal, the tribunal was supposed to simulate a trial in which the Portuguese colonial regime and its supporters from Germany and the USA are to be tried for human rights violations. An obvious break in the consciousness of public opinion was to be cemented by an avalanche of publicity (sheets of iz3w, no. 24). Freedom for Angola and Mozambique The idea of ​​the trial was rejected in favor of a congress, not least because of a generalized charge against Portugal. As the culmination of a long-term mobilization strategy, the congress was supposed to bring together more than 80 Christian, democratic and socialist groups to form a broad alliance of action and set an example of solidarity with the liberation movements FRELIMO (Mozambique), MPLA (Angola) and PAIGC (Guinea-Bissau). (Press release Congress Freedom for Angola, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique) At the time of the congress, the anti-Reformation standpoints in the ADW are already so strong that observers are only being sent. In coming to terms with the congress, you express your disappointment: you should have decided on a clearer political position in preparation. So one fell into a policy of the greatest common denominator, which turned out to be a meaningless recourse to an empty community of interests. (Sheets of the iz3w, No. 24; attempt to describe the developments in the ADW since the end of 1971)

24 Political Chronicle November 1973 The ADW's weakness for national liberation movements is now projected onto the Middle East conflict. In the Blätter (No. 29) the editors question German repression behavior: Since the end of the war we have compensated for the injustice we did to the Jewish people of Europe by keeping silent about the injustice that the Jews in turn did to the Palestinians and do. In order to close this gap in the discourse, the voice of the new Palestinian Jews should be represented in the papers. A contribution by the Freiburg Palestine Committee asserts that the history of the Jewish nation-state was the history of its Palestinian victims. The telos of Zionism has always been the establishment of a purely Jewish state in Palestine: the war events of 1947/48, 1956 and 1967, in which Israel was guilty of expelling the Arabs by all means and preventing their return, would show that that Israel cannot be interested in real peace in the Middle East. It is not surprising then that Erich Fried sees a connection between Zionism and fascism in sheets No. 30, not least in the fact that Theodor Herzl comes from the same witch's kitchen from the Wilhelminian era and cultural milieu as Adolf Hitler. (Leaves of the iz3w, no) that a certain hierarchy in the ADW. You are left with the less attractive activities, which later also leads to conflicts. January 25 to 27, 1974 `74 At a conference weekend of the ADW, Fritz Hemmerich presented a thesis paper on the importance and strategy of Third World work. He now recognizes contradictions between left-wing civil service in ADW educational work, to which the ADW feels obliged, and concrete Third World work. The former aim, strictly Marxist, to narrow the gap between the level of consciousness and the objective interests of the oppressed class. Third World work, however, hardly or only very much conveyed the objective interests of the educational policy addressees in mind. Rather, it is based on the subjective interests of its bearers and only addresses those who have already developed such an interest under certain conditions (e.g. Christianity, educated bourgeoisie). It is legitimate to use these subjective interests for work in the Third World, but such interests necessarily lead a marginal existence in the socialist movement. It is dependent on alliances and only has a mobilizing informative function for radical movements. (Paper on the status and strategy of Third World work) by April 15, 1974 Gerhard Spieß, the ADW's first civilian service provider (which had previously been borrowed from recognized institutions) began his service after the Federal Office recognized the iz3w as an agency . A significant part of the administrative activities, such as the dispatch of magazines, will in future be carried out by Zivis. Over the decades, dozens of young men have done 12 to 24 months of community service in the iz3w (the duration varied depending on the political upturn in German military policy). Since those doing community service are not allowed to be politically active externally, the ADW also networks internationally. With Roland Beckert and Albert Sommerfeld, two representatives of the iz3w travel to Oxford for a conference of anti-imperialist groups that oppose Portuguese colonialism. A good two weeks before the Portuguese Carnation Revolution, representatives from more than 20 countries from Western and Eastern Europe, as well as Australia and New Zealand, discuss the possibilities of material support with MPLA (Angola), FRELIMO (Mozambique) and PAIGC (Guinea-Bissau). The ADW assesses the conference as inconclusive. `7

25/75 April 1974 Not only imperialism, but also the difficulties of left activism itself are an issue at the ADW. In a contribution to the problem of mental impoverishment, Hans-Curt Flemming and Georg Stingl address an inner-left contradiction between personal problems and political work. Anxiety disorders and neuroses are the subjective side of alienation and competitive pressure in capitalist relations of production. There must be space in left movements for the discussion of mental illnesses, because their own ranks have also shown their effects in recent years: excessive demands, self-destructive sacrifice as a hallmark of the movement up to psychosis and suicide have been observed. Instead of trivializing and individualizing psychological impoverishment, the problem should be perceived as social in left groups and the subjective necessity of emancipation should also be considered. This includes, among other things, the possibility of combining activism and work, family and leisure (which in turn would have to be criticized for its societal conditionality), as well as the development of a psychology committed to dialectical materialism. (A contribution to the problem of psychological impoverishment) Years of ADW & iz3w The ADW also fell victim to the rage of division in the West German left. After fierce internal discussions and the then usual doubts as to whether the other parliamentary group was really left, the ADW majority threw a few people out of the door.These had tried to enforce the agenda of the KBW-affiliated society in support of the popular struggles, for example by holding conspiratorial preliminary meetings at which they agreed their strategy for the editorial meeting. When this was discovered by a chance visit to a shared kitchen, the GUV members were thrown out. A few years later they were reconciled again. December 4, 1976 Dzingai Mutumbuka from the Central Committee of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) stops at the Freiburg ADW to advertise support for the ZANU's agricultural project. His tour through Germany is organized by the Organizing Committee to support the liberation struggles in southern Africa, of which the ADW in the person of Roland Beckert is also a member. The OC traveled to Geneva with two representatives from ADW to discuss the tour with representatives from ZANU. Also present in Geneva: Robert Mugabe, then General Secretary of ZANU and later President Zimbabwe, who, according to the protocol, shows a strong personal interest in the success of the agricultural project. (Roland Beckert: OC circular; The visit of the OC delegation to ZANU in Geneva from) 25