Why did Athens prosper while Sparta withered?
Athena, ion. (Ἀθήνη, Ἀθηναίη), aiol. and dor. Ἀθάνα, Ἀθαναία, att. Ἀθηναία (occasionally up to the 4th century) Ἀθηνάα, from which it is contracted Ἀθηνᾶ, more common since the Peloponnesian War. Often Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη or Παλλὰς Ἀθηναίη in the epic, while Παλλάς only appears independently in the lyric.
1. The adjectival form of the name Ἀθηναίη has always suggested that the famous Athens was the focus of the entire cult, to which Athens' claim to be the metropolis of the Ionian Dodecapolis seemed to be in good agreement. Since then, however, the Attic Pelasgians, to whom this cult was ascribed, rightly lost all credit (cf. E. Meyer research 1ff.), And one began to recognize Athens' claims as invalid (J. Toepffer Att. Geneal. 225ff.), Athens can no longer be regarded as the starting point of the service; rather, precisely because of its seclusion, the Athenian cult has faithfully preserved many ancient things. The examination of the material will rather show that A. belongs to the oldest common property of the Greek tribes, which is why a genealogical arrangement of the tradition is not feasible. 
I. Athena in the Homeric epic and in the heroic saga.
2. A. already appears in the oldest parts of the Iliad, almost entirely stripped of all local connections, according to Zeus as the most Panachean goddess of all of Olympus. The connections to cult places of the motherland are insignificant, but the epithet Ἀλαλκομενηίς, Il. IV 8. V 908, despite a different explanation from Aristarchus at Steph. Byz. s. Ἀλαλκομένιον, referring to the Boiotic Alalkomenai, which early claimed the birth myth for itself. On the other hand, it is not possible to say for sure whether the form Ἀθηναίη is adjectivally derived from the famous Athens. There was after Steph. Byz. s. v. nine places with this name, and a further development of Ἀθήνη such as σεληναίη from σελήνη would be conceivable. The two young passages which expressly refer to the Athenian cult should be discussed with the latter. A. is one of the most perfectly formed divine personalities in Homer, a well-defined character of eternal duration. She appears immediately after Zeus and before Apollo in the triad of the chief oath gods, she receives and answers many prayers. The interest in myths of gods is far from the heyday of the epic, but in any case the usual form of the birth myth (see below) is also known to the Iliad; that Zeus A. gave birth himself, becomes Il. V 875.880 mentioned, and the epithets ὀβριμοπάτρη and Tritogeneia are originally rooted in this myth (Aristarchus' view, which the Scholias give to the point that v. 880 Hesiod suggested the creation of the myth [Lehrs Aristarch 178], is characteristic only of the mythological point of view of the Alexandrians). The epithet ἀτρυτώνη, which always appears in connection with Διὸς τέκος, is less clear. Basically, A.'s particularly close relationship with her father Zeus is already given by the conception of nature from which the myth of her birth arose, and so Ares a also leads in fact. a. O. Zeus' unusual indulgence towards A. from his maternal relationship to her, but in general with Homer this relationship appears as a personally free one, as if based on an elective affinity. Only from this close relationship with Zeus would it be sufficiently explained if she, who usually carries out his will, handles his attributes, namely the terrible Aegis (Il. II 446f. V 738. XXI 400). Rather than the old symbols of nature, the influence of pictorial representations of the goddess could already be at play here. Stengel has not demonstrated that Homer's Aigis, as it appears on some old monuments, is to be understood as a shield (Jahrb. F. Philol. 1882, 518ff. 1885, 80 and vol. I, p. 970ff.), Not but that this conception of the original and later common interpretation as goat skin only arose from a wrong etymology. Was the old goat skin, which in Zeus and A. has a nature symbolic meaning (see below, § 46), in a raw time as λαισήιον d. H. skin stretched out for protection (cf. Reichel Homerische Waffen 65ff., but where Stengel's work is not taken into account), so  It is easy to understand how it could be used as a shield in the knightly epic, while the older conception held back and later regained sole power through art. If it is Il. XXI 401 of the Aigis means: ἣν οὐδὲ Διὸς δάμνησι κεραυνός, this is a downright mockery of the original meteoric meaning of the Aigis. The Gorgoneion is already Il. V 471 surrounded by other frightful figures on the shield of Aigis, which is very similar to the shield of Agamemnon, Il. XI 32ff. It is also very doubtful whether meteoric reminiscences can be seen in some of the other features listed by Roscher Nectar and Ambrosia, and not rather more general outflows of divine power borrowed from the Heavenly Father; so A. Il. V 7 fire emanating from Diomedes head and shoulders, XVIII 203 she puts a flaming cloud around Achilles' head, Il. XI 45 it thunders in Agamemnon's honor, Il. IV 74ff. their flight is compared to that of a meteor, to Il. V 745 and VIII 389 she drives with Hera on a fiery chariot. If one looks suspiciously in Homer for rudiments of natural myths, one would also have to drag the apparitions of the goddess in the form of a bird here, as does A. Kuhn Descent of Fire2 29, where the passages are collected. Perhaps more rightly one could do the miners' service, which is little in keeping with their dignity and which they Il. XXII 276 Achilles proves to see an old mythical train by bringing back the fired lance. Perhaps she once brought him the wonderful lance of the god of battle, which when fired, returns by itself into the hands of the archer (or god).
3. In Homer A. appears to us primarily as the hero patroness, in the Iliad she stands by the fighting in the tumult of battle, in the Odyssey she stands by her darlings more like a friendly fairy in all situations. This role was not first assigned to her by the Homeric epic, but belongs to her as the daughter of Zeus, who is himself father of kings and ruler of battles. In any case, A. was already given as a helper in dangerous adventures in numerous pre-Homeric sagas and songs; for Perseus, Bellerophon, Herakles we can safely assume such a protective relationship. In the Iliad, too, a case of hereditary clients is clearly present in the relationship between A.s and Diomedes, namely in the fifth book, where V. 116, 125f. this is specifically mentioned. When A. climbs onto Diomedes' chariot, so that the book axle crashes under the weight of the mighty couple, the hero appears equally next to her, like a fighting god, and she primarily directs his spear at gods. It is probably not a coincidence that Ares and Aphrodite, the city gods of Thebes, are wounded by him, but the Iliad already uses motifs from the Theban sagas that have otherwise left traces (see Dümmler in Studniczka Kyrene 194ff. Usener at Bethe Theb. Heldenlieder 65). In any case, the train which the post-Homeric poems of Amphiaraos exit (=  Pherec. frg. 51) and Thebais (= Apollod. III 6, 8, 4) told different motivations (cf. E. Bethe Theb. Heldenlieder 62. 76f.) That A. wanted to bring immortality to the wounded Tydeus, but was vice versa, when she saw him sucking the brain of his opponent Melanippos in a cannibalistic fury. K. O. Müller has already seen that the relationship between A. and the Tydids has its basis in special cultic relationships and is reminiscent of the connection between Diomedes and the Pallas cult in Argos and the Cypriot Salamis (Kl. Schr. II 170). The same rightly reminds that the Argive cult explains the role which Diomedes played in the palladium robbery in the cyclical epics of the destruction of Troy, since the Diomedids were the justified guardians of the palladium in the motherland (too rationalistic judged the relationship F. Chavannes De Palladii raptu, Diss. Berl. 1891, 77ff.). About similar special circumstances which, before and outside of the poetry, motivate A.'s anger against the Aiantes, see below.
The relationship between A. and Achilles is probably less personal, in which her care competes with the more rooted of the divine mother. It remains to be seen whether old cult relationships play a role in A.'s particular preference for Odysseus. The dubious town of Alalkomenai, that to Istros near Plut. quaest. gr. 43 on Ithaka, after Apollodor near Strab. X 457 was located on Asteria near Ithaca, is probably out of the question for the epic. Already in the Odyssey the character of the goddess was modified according to the altered ideal of heroism, of which she is the patroness, the battle maiden became the goddess of wisdom. The stoic conception starts from here; seeing in Odysseus the ideal of the wise, A. becomes personified practical reason, φρόνησις or religiously πρόνοια. After all, it deserves to be noticed that the hero Od. V 476f. rests between the trunks of a φυλίη and a ἐλαίη (a wild and tame olive tree?), and that he made his marital bed in the trunk of an old olive, Od. XXIII 190 (cf. V. Hehn Kulturpfl. U. Haust. 118).
4. Even if A.'s relationship to peaceful bourgeois life naturally receded more in the heroic epic, there are still individual traces that these traits were also fully developed in Homer's time. Even with Homer, A. is the master of all artistry. She woven her peplos herself, Il. V 734f., As well as Il. XIV 178 that of the Here, she taught the Phaiacs the works of navigation and her wives the work of the loom, Od. VII 108ff., She also taught the daughters of Pandareos in female craftsmanship, Od. XX 72, your participation in the construction of the wooden horse by Epeios or in the production of the Argo will be really amazing.
Just as the Iliad already presupposes a longer period of urban life and well-developed agriculture, the gods of Olympus also have all the features of this cultural stage in the most pronounced form, even to the extent of obliterating more ancient memories. There is no doubt that for the majority of  Tribes through whose cooperation the Homeric epic arose, A. was also a preferred appraiser of urban culture, Polias. It can appear as such only in the only city that plays a role, the enemy Ilion, which then gives rise to the strange contradiction that it is, to a certain extent, betraying its most loyal admirers to the enemy. It appears as Polias in the Trojan saga and in the Iliad, and indeed this role is so old and essential that it has given rise to various mutually exclusive sagas. For the ancients, of course, the oldest and most authoritative piece of news about the Trojan A. cult was the description of the appeal of the Trojan women to the seat of the goddess and the laying down of the peplos on her lap, which was also the oldest mention of an image of a god, Il. VI 287ff. (cf. Strab. XIII 601). The desperate interpretive arts, which were undertaken in the interest of New Ilion to make this idol into a standing one, we can leave alone without therefore taking Strabo on the side of the Alexandrians and confirming that the oldest Palladion is a that Homer was not yet familiar with the standing Palladion and the legends related to it. However, the Odyssey IV 499ff reports. about the death of Locrian Aias only that it was finally brought about by Poseidon, who was bitter about Aias boasting, but there is no reason to assume that the poet does not include the saga of the anger of A. and the iniquity of Aias that caused it I knew form, as the Cyclical epics told them, which Euripides Troad. 69-85. 618 and Virgil. Aen. II 403ff. follow (see F. Noack Iliupersis, Giessen 1890, 17ff.). The Πέρσεις, who went in the name of Arktinos and Lesches, had to come to terms with various legends of the Trojan Palladion, which actually excluded one another. Both the saga which A. had the wooden horse offered up, as well as that of Aias' iniquity against Kassandra (it is usually assumed that it was only an attempt at crime, while the actual desecration, which Callimachus first testified , later poetry; but the cleansing oath of the Aias in Polygnot presupposes for Lesches at least the accusation of this crime, because there was no doubt about the outline of the idol, and then it was probably a perjury), in which the palladion is torn down , presuppose the presence of the Palladion until the destruction of Troy, but both poems have taken up the legends of the Palladion robbery of Diomedes and they managed themselves in different ways, in that Arktinos missed Diomedes the correct Palladion, Lesches the Cassandra to another, ordinary one Pallas's images escaped (Chavannes op. Cit. 82). So both poets faced well-established folk traditions. The numerous local sagas of Greek cities, which claimed to own the Trojan Palladion, are based on these traditions, mostly, but not consistently, following on from the Palladian robbery by Diomedes  (the certificates at Chavannes). How firmly the iniquity of the Locrian Aias was believed and was intertwined in the Trojan saga is best shown in the strange tribute of the virgins, which the Lokrians allegedly delivered to Ilion for a thousand years up to 345 (the testimonies under Aias, vol. I, p. 938). Strabo a. a. O. likes to believe, but how he wants to know that the first broadcast only began under the Persian rule is not evident to us (Timaeus frg. 66 reproduces the Locrian tradition: after that one of the first virgins to be killed was called Periboia, how the mother of the Telamonier, was probably ex Aiacis tribu; In placing the sacrifice, the Lokrians followed the Trojan era of Eudoxus, which was most favorable to them; One cannot with Fleischer in Roscher's myth against the testimony of Timaeus. Lex. I 138 and Toepffer above, Vol. I, p. 938 Plut. de ser. num. vind. 12 lead into the field, which comes from a source of the 4th century. thoughtlessly copies). Both this bloody tribute sent across the sea and the Trojan derivation of the palladiums of the most prestigious cities can only be explained by the popularity of the Trojan saga, in which the palladion occupied a central position, and not by the influence of later and mediocre poems like that of the Lesches and Arktinos. Now in the whole of antiquity the palladion, which Diomedes had stolen and Kassandra overturned, was regarded as a standing image of A. with the shield on her arm and a curved lance, and the same shape had the Trojan palladia of the individual cities. Therefore, if, in accordance with popular belief, younger epic poets had not attended to the episode in the seventh book of the Iliad, they would have been right. Probably they couldn't care about this episode because it didn't even exist. Usener demonstrated the formally young character of this part in particular, the oldest meter of the Greeks 12. Seated statues of A. are before the 6th century. not to be proven, since it is documented literally for Erythrai (from Endoios) and also monumentally for the Athenian Acropolis (see § 60). So it is likely to me that the consecration of Peplos in the Iliad episode is not a model of the Panathenaean procession, but rather a reflection of this Attic or at best a related, but not older, Ionic festival. Perhaps it served to glorify the Attic custom and possibly also a new temple image donated by Peisistratos and is on a par with the other Attic changes and additions that have become Vulgate (the priestess Theano, wife of Antenor, VII 299 certainly comes from Cyclos, where the Antenorids became traitors).
The name ἐρυσίπτολις occurs for A. only at this later point VII 305, which actually describes them as Poliuchos. In terms of the matter, however, the old, genuine Palladion was, in a far more intense sense, a polias, a sanctuary, in whose possession the salvation and destruction of the city , and if this superstitious veneration seems to find parallels more in the Roman religion than in the later Greek cults, this speaks for its age and originality. Incidentally, the local Pallas cult also offers traits that coincide several times.
We shall therefore be allowed to conclude that the tribes to which the epic culture is owed, Aiolic as well as Ionic, A. already worshiped as Polias and perhaps first depicted them by all deities. In the legends that clung to the old Palladiums, there are still remnants of a superstition otherwise alien to the epic, which in the subsequent period often became more widespread with the more powerful rise of the iconic service. Regardless of this, the epic song of the terrible goddess has already given that clear, solid shape which remained authoritative for all subsequent periods. Martial courage, prudence, artistry and a tireless willingness to help make her the goddess to whom the prayers of a traveling heroic age turn first. She appears in the epic as the main mediator between father Zeus and his mortal children.
II. Local dissemination of the cult and local legends.
5. Thessaly. As Polias on the Acropolis we find A. in Larisa in the large inscription Cauer Del.² 409 = Collitz Dial. Inscription. I 345, line 45. The cult of A. Ἰτωνία or Ἰτωνίς spread from Thessaly. The immigrating Thessalians probably already found it with the Aiolians in Thessaliotis and Phthiotis and appropriated it. The sanctuary in Thessaliotis was adjacent to that of Poseidon Κουέριος on the river Κουάριος and perhaps cultically connected to it (Str. IX 435), the phthiotic Itonos was on the river Kuralios, near the place Koroneia. The river and place owe their name to the cult of the Κόρη, as Rückert Dienst of A. 72 already correctly explains. The name Ἰτωνία has nothing to do with σῖτος (Steph. Byz. S. Ἰτών), but is related to the willow bushes (ἰτεῶνες) on the river bank. The nickname βούδεια, the Eustath. to Il. XVI 571 p. 1076 R. and Steph. Byz. s. v. (cf. Lykophr. Alex. 359 and Schol.) attested for the Thessalian A., connects the goddess with the first agriculture. A. Itonia is the battle cry of the Thessalians against the Phokers, Paus. X 1, 10.
6. Boiotien. The cult of A. Itonia was then transplanted by the Aioli expelled by the Thessalians to the Boiotic Koroneia, where the name of the river Koralios is repeated (Kallim. Hymn. V 64). A hymn by Alkaios referred to this A. 9 Bgk. Your sanctuary is the seat of the federal festival Παμβοιώτια, Strab. IX 417, according to the same IX 411, the goddess is here connected to Hades for a mystical reason, for which Paus. IX 34, 1 names Zeus who was represented by Agorakritus' hand together with A. Another Heroine Iodama received cult in this shrine. After a break. IX 34, 2 she had been a priestess of A. and was accidentally affected by the sight of the Gorgoneion  has been petrified. The priestess now lights fire on her altar every day with the words repeated three times that Iodama lives and demands fire. According to the Etym. M. s. Ἰτωνίς, A. and Iodama were daughters of Itonos and A. killed the sister in a gun game. Parallels to the caerimony of expiation in K. O. Müller Kl. Schrift II 192, the interpretation of Rückert's service of Athena 74 fails.
7. Those who transplanted the cult of A. Itonia to Boiotia found ancient A. cult on the shores of the Kopaissee. The fable that an Athens and an Eleusis were swallowed up by the sea (Strab. IX 407. Steph. Byz. S. Ἀθῆναι), and the image of Kekrops, Pandion's son, the alleged founder of both cities in Haliartus (Paus. IX 33, 1), should probably only serve to make the Boiotic service appear as an offshoot of the Attic, but the cult of Alalkomenai is in any case of old celebrity (cf. § 2). The place is named after a quality of the goddess. Originally she might be called Alalkomene, the protective, defensive one (from ἀλαλκεῖν, cf. A. Alkis in Pella and the Alkmene, also venerated in Alalkomenai) and was then called Alalkomeneis just like Athenaia after her place of worship. The temple was below the city on the Tritonbache and was devastated by Sulla. It contained an ancient ivory image of the goddess, according to Aristeides panath. p. 320 Dind. seems to have counted for something that fell from heaven (after K. O. Müller's Emendation Eumen. p. 106 note). The Alalkomenians claimed that the goddess was born with them and raised by their autochthonous hero Alalkomeneus (Str. IX 413. Paus. IX 33, 5. Schol. Il. IV 8 and others). In the vicinity of the Tritonbach grew the large oak forest, from whose trees the Xoana of the Daidale, the wooden bride of Zeus, were carved, the Tritonic nymphs from the brook prepared the bridal bath for the Xoanon (Plut. De daed. Frg. 4). Rückert a. a. O. 64 that the legend, which Callimachus hymn. V says that Teiresias was blind because he saw A. bathing, was the result of a cult practice, a bathing festival of A. Teiresias was buried nearby on Mount Tilphosion. At the Tilphosion near Haliartus there was also the sacred district of the Praxidikai, where particularly sacred oaths were taken, paus. IX 33, 3. According to Suidas see Πραξιδίκη the goddesses were called Alalkomeneia, Thelxinoia and Aulis and were daughters of Ogyges. After Hesych. s. Πραξιδίκη] the statues seem to have consisted of herms on which only the head was carved; heads would also have served as sacrifices (before the oath?) (goddesses of the same name in Laconia associated with Aphrodite and Themis, Paus. III 22, 1, see Wide Lakon. Cults 239). The connection which O. Müller Kl. Schrift II 186 assumes between the praxidics and the ogygic flood as a divine judgment is probably not original or essential, rather the practical need for a sacred judgment is decisive. The birth myth is then transplanted from Alalkomenai by the Minyans, who founded Cyrene, with the sacred names of the motherland  to the new local with so much success that the African birthday soon becomes Vulgate. In any case, the birth myth was originally localized in very many places where one believed to have heavenly palladiums, where certain mythical ideas and holy names were then used to repeat themselves. About the birth myth itself, see § 43, about the various idealizations that were upheld later, Rückert a. a. O. 62. Bergk Kl. Philol. Schr. II 662.
8. In Thebes, too, A.'s service goes back to the distant past. According to Pausanias IX 2, 3, the altar and image of A. Onka (or Onga) would have been established by Kadmos at the point where the cow that led him lay down. Aeschylus on Sept. 483 mentions the onka near the city, adjacent to the gate. The holy district was in front of the southern gate of the city, the ogygic, which was also called the Oncaeic, as ogygic A. was also venerated in the village of Onkai in front of the gate (Schol. Pind. Ol. II 39. Tzetz. Zu Lykophr. 1225). The already ancient attempts to derive the name Onka or Onga from Phoinical (Steph. Byz. S. Ὀγκαῖαι) will find few defenders (most recently H. Lewy Die Semit. Lehnw. In Greek 251); they stand and fall with the Phoenician descent of the Cadmos. Rückert is more likely to lead the service of A. 76 and O. Müller Kl. Schrift. II 194 the name of ὄγκρος, ὄχθος, the hill, from. The latter adds the Arcadian Onkeion and notes that here too, as in the name A. itself, goddess and place would have the same name. Roscher Nektar and Ambrosia 97 thinks less likely of ὀγκᾶσθαι, roar. The Boiotic Onchestus compares v. Wilamowitz Herm. XXVI 238 and, because of the location of the sanctuary, thinks that the cult can be assigned to the immigrant Boiotern, which is not mandatory. Neither is it Tümpels attempt (Jahrb. F. Philol. Suppl. XI 690ff.) To vindicate this goddess to the questionable tribe of the Ektenen.
Two temples of Pallas on the market in Thebes are mentioned by Sophocles Oed. Tyr. 20, two stone images of A. ζωστηρία in Thebes without temple Pausanias IX 17, 3. Unknown is the place of worship of A. βοαρμία which Tzetzes to Lycophry. 520 mentioned as boiotic.
The sanctuary of A. ἀρεία at Plataiai was only built after the Persian Battle. In any case, the particularly intimate relationship that connects A. with Heracles is based in the old Boiotic cult. A. also seems to be old as a helper of Cadmos. He wants to sacrifice the cow that led him to her, on her advice he then defeats the dragon and the divisions according to Euripides Phoen. 661 and Hellanikos in the Schol. Il. 494 (frg. 8; after the Thebais? Cf. Bethe Theb. Heldenlieder 161, 36). On an Attic bowl from the middle of the 5th century. A. hands Kadmos, who hurries to the spring, the stone with which he is supposed to kill the dragon, Ber. Saxon Ges. d. Knowledge 1875 plate III, about depictions of the dragon fight itself H. Heydemann Arch. Ztg. 1871, 36. Reisch Röm. Mitt. V 343f. (The sword fight is first attested in Pherecydes, Schol. Eurip. Phoen. 662). 
A. Oldest places of worship and building history of the castle. As in Boiotien, in Attica the cult of A. seems to have spread over the whole landscape from the beginning. On the summit of the Pentelikon, Pausanias I 32, 2 mentions a picture of A., while the other heights of the landscape mostly bore altars or statues of Zeus. The cult of Pallene between Marathon and Athens must also have been old and independent (Herodotus. I 62. Eurip. Heraklid. 849. 1031). The Attic saga put the sons of Pallas in a hostile relationship with Theseus, the founder of democracy, and this political turn of the saga will have superseded old gigantomachy sagas, as they were preserved for Pallene on the Chalkidike, perhaps relatively late. Perhaps the history of Antigonos Caryst is also rooted. me. 12 based on the Atthis of Amelesagoras of the Lycabettos, told in similar ideas to the Gigantomachy sagas. After him, A. tore the mountain loose from the Pallene area in order to fortify the acropolis with it. She dropped it when the crow brought her the news of the cheekiness of the Kekrop's daughters (Bergk's Conjecturen Kl. Philol. Schr. II 198ff., Who want to bring the same legend about the Chalcidian Pallene in Callimachos Aitia frg. 19). A priestess supported by three parasites performed the cult of the rich sanctuary (Athens. VI 234 f. 235 a after Themisons Pallenis). After A. Brückner Das Reich des Pallas, Athens. Mitt. XVI 200–234, it was the pallenic A. that brought back Peisistratos. Brückner's attempt to relocate the sanctuary and the demo to the eastern slope of the Hymetto is not tenable; see Milchhoefer Berl. philological weekly 1892, 2ff. 33ff. Loeper Athens. Mitt. XVII 422ff. About the Attic Gorgos legend, which is associated with the Gigantomachy, cf. § 50.
That the cult of Pallene was only transferred to the Acropolis, what possibility v. Wilamowitz Aristot. and Athens I 37, 5 suggests, is inevitable and improbable. In any case, the cult of the castle is not a later one, and its introduction cannot be made dependent on the care of the oil construction. Both of the cults of the castle and of the landscape are known to us only fragments from a relatively later time in the form, which they have not been without human efforts to achieve compensation since the 6th century. have assumed, so that the chronology and relationships of dependency of the individual cults and inspections are usually no longer traceable for us. Maybe z. For example, the cult of Phlya does not depend on the urban one, but on the other hand it does not prove anything against borrowing if local inspections like the one on Skiron have ancient features that cannot be found in the urban cult. Since the 6th century the Attic cults are organized under the primacy of the capital and, if possible, balanced. We shall therefore first consider the cults of the castle.
10. The oldest cult site, which still preserved the living memory of the miraculous gifts of the gods protecting the land, was  near the northern edge of the castle rock, originally included in the old royal palace, which only Od. VII 81 can be referred to as Ἐρεχθῆος πυκινὸς δόμος. The part of the Odyssey belongs to the original context of the young part, but is by no means younger than the 7th – 6th Century At this point on the castle rock, A. Polias was closely connected with Poseidon-Erechtheus. Lasting memories of the dispute over the land, which ultimately led to the preference for A. and the union of both in the cult, were shown here: the salt spring (θάλασσα Ἐρεχθῄς), which the trident of Poseidon had lured out of the rock, and the ἀστὴ ἐλαία ( Hesych. Sv), the first olive tree that A. had sprouted. About the different versions of this dispute and the different meanings of the sacred landmarks as symbols of occupation or competitive performances in competition before the court of the 12 gods or the oldest Athenians under Kekrops, see the controversy between E. Petersen Kunst des Pheidias 158; Herm. XVII 124; Vienna Studies V 42 and C. Robert Herm. XVI 60; Athens. Mitt. VII 48; Preller-Robert Greek Myth. 203, 1. Only later sources, Serv. Georg. I 12th prob. George. I 18th myth. Vat. I 2. II 119. III 5, 4 replace the creation of the salt spring by the creation of the horse, which, according to older legend, belongs to Poseidon, but takes place in Thessaly (Schol. Pind. Pyth. IV 246) and has an alarming similarity with the legend of Hephaestus as the father of Erichthonios. Before the Persian War, a building rose above these miracles, which Herodotus VIII 55 called bezeichnetρεχθέος νηός. The fire of the Persians had seized the holy olive tree at the same time as the temple, but the next day those whom Xerxes had ordered to sacrifice found fresh rice on the burnt trunk. The temple cannot be completely burned either, or at least it must have been provisionally restored soon, because Herodotus speaks of its existence in Praesens. This pre-Persian Erechtheion is the oldest of the temples in the castle. Nothing has been preserved of it, as the now largely preserved Ionian double temple rose in its place, the construction of which, as the inscription shows, only began during the Peloponnesian War and was not yet completed in 409/8.
11. Between the Erechtheion and the Periclean Parthenon, the latest excavations have now revealed the foundations of a large, old temple with a Doric columned hall, onto which the Korenhalle of the Erechtheion partially extends. It is published and reviewed by the discoverer Dörpfeld Antike Denkm. d. Inst. I 1. 2; Athens. Mitt. XI 337ff. XII 25. 190 (taking into account Petersen's objections, ibid. 62). 276. XV 420ff. The latter article already takes into account the important inscription that Lolling discovered and published, Ἀθηνᾶ 1890, 627; Δελτίον ἀρχ. 1890, 92, and the conclusions that he had drawn from this inscription for the building history of the castle. The inscription in which the ancient temple is called the Hekatompedon, and which is probably from  from J. 485/4 is also discussed by Kirchhoff CIA IV p. 139 and Dittenberger Herm. XXVI 427. Most recently, Furtwängler dealt in summary with the A. Temples of the Acropolis, masterpieces of Greek sculpture 155–223. The already extensive literature, which relates to the controversies that are still in flux, cannot be given here in full; the ancient written sources and the previously known documents can be found in full in Pausaniae descriptio arcis Athenarum, ed. O. Jahn ed. II rec. from A. Michaelis Bonn 1880. In the following, thanks to Dörpfeld's friendliness, I may use his correspondence, which, if necessary, are marked with [Doe.]. The great old temple shows a large cella to the east and three chambers with special entrances to the west.The construction began before Peisistratos, but the colonnade and sculptural decoration were added later, perhaps only completed after the tyrants were driven out (Furtw.). 'Even in older times, either an ancient temple or the megaron of the old royal residence was located here. The two pillared bases of the vestibule, resembling those of Tiryns, are still in their old place. I am inclined to see in them the vestibule of the megaron of the royal castle. '[Doe.] The new find now poses two main problems: 1. How does the old temple relate to the cult of Polias and Erechtheus in the sacred marks of their quarrel ? 2. How about the Perikleischen Parthenon and the treasury administration of the federal government? For both questions it is important how long the old temple stood and was usable. We have to limit ourselves here to questions relating to the actual cult. With regard to the first point, Furtwängler now expresses the view that the old temple was identical with the house and temple of Erechtheus in Homer and Herodotus, that in Herodotus also not between the temple of Erechtheus and A. (V 72 ἄδυτον τῆς θεοῦ) A distinction should be made between the fact that there was no building at all above the holy mark instead of the Erechtheion. The east cella of the old temple housed the old image of the Polias, which supposedly fell from heaven, the western rooms were not storerooms or treasuries, but served the cult of Erechtheus.
First of all, an objection must be raised against the assumption that the two passages in which Homer speaks of the Athenian cult presuppose the same structural conditions. The already mentioned part of the Odyssey is older and presupposes the old royal palace. The other place can be found in the ship catalog II. II 546-551. Here we are talking about the Gau of the generous Erechtheus, whom A. once raised, the daughter of Zeus - born him the nourishing earth - and she (A.) sat him down in Athens in her fat temple, there appeased him with bulls and Aries the sons of the Athenians every year '. That this passage is a late Attic seal and presupposes the Panathenaean celebration, as it took place under Peisistratos, is generally admitted (cf. v. Wilamowitz Hom. Unters. 247ff.). It is clear that Erechtheus here in  rich temple that A. receives heroic sacrifices, and this temple can only be the old temple of Polia. But it does not follow that this was a double temple. Erechtheus, who appears to be depressed here as the pupil of A. after analogy, for example, with the relationship between Adonis or Kinyras and Aphrodite, is not the one who lured the salt spring out of the rock in an argument with the goddess, and in any case could not displace it, either if the tyranny might already have centralistic tendencies. Just as in Homer the solid house of Erechtheus and the fat temple of A. are not identical, this identity follows from Herodotus. If he tells VIII 53, the crew of the castle fled ἐς τὸ μέγαρον, he obviously means the Hauptcella the old Poliastempels, and when he 55 continues ἔστι ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει ταύτῃ Ἐρεχθέος ... νηός, ἐν τῷ ἐλαίη τε καὶ θάλασσα ἔνι κτλ. so he cannot mean the same temple by that. In addition, if there had only been a common temple of the Polias and Erechtheus, he would certainly not have called it Erechtheus Temple, where he is reporting about the miracle that is going on at the sacred emblem of the Polias. Attempts to volatilize the νηός with Herodotus to a holy district are self-directed. So there existed before the Persian Wars, probably in direct connection with the cults of the royal palace, two temples, one of Erechtheus, above the salt well, and one of the Polias the place of the old megaron. The holy olive tree stood - west of Erechtheus - north of the temple of Polia. The latter was probably provided with the ring hall and sculptures by Peisistratos, from the beginning it housed the old Xoanon of the Polias, which was the main cult, even if, as probably, already in the 6th century. a shinier statue was set aside. Both buildings were damaged by fire by the Persians, but were in use again around the middle of the 5th century when Herodotus was in Athens.
12. During the restoration of the Polia temple immediately after the Persian Wars, the construction of the ring hall was abandoned. This was all the more likely when the construction of a large new temple on the south terrace of the castle was planned, the floor plan of which is still recognizable (cf. Dörpfeld Athens. Mitt. XVII 158ff.). The building was supposed to be longer and narrower than the periclean temple, it was demolished quite early, uncanneled column drums, which were intended for it, are partly used to fill the northern castle wall. In any case, construction began after 480. It is usually associated with the name of the kimon, mainly because it was believed that the kimonic south wall was built to support it. F. Köpp Arch. Jahrb. V 270 went back in the beginning of the edification to Kimon's return from exile in 454, and in fact the previous activity of the statesman hardly offers room for such a great undertaking. With this approach, however, the  Construction moved too close to the Periclean Parthenon and Furtwängler's conjecture (op. The Kimonian south wall has nothing to do with the foundation of the building.
The Parthenon began above the unfinished building in 447 under Iktino's direction; the image of the temple of the goddess of Pheidias was given over to the cult in 437, and the building was completed a few years later. 434 begin the deeds of the treasurer of the goddess. The name παρθενών originally denotes the smaller western cell, the eastern main cella is called νεὼς ὁ ἑκατόμπεδος. The name Parthenon is first transferred to the entire building in Demosthenes XXII 13. The view of Furtwänglers a. a. O. 174, the name Parthenon originally refers to the daughters of Kekrops and Erechtheus, who enjoyed cult there, is not likely. The Westcella is not a cult space, but a magazine. Dörpfeld is now inclined to derive the name from the παρθένοι who worked on the Panathenaeen, whose cult implements were kept there, perhaps the Ergastines also wove the peplos here. ‘The goddess then received the name Parthenos from the building, which was never a cult name. The picture of Pheidias represents A. of course as Polias. The difficult question of whether the name Opisthodom in the documents relating to the treasury administration refers to the west cella of the Parthenon or to the old temple can only be answered in this way as far as they are concerned with the cult locale. If Dörpfeld rightly claims the name Opisthodom for the western rooms of the old temple, it follows that the old temple also survived the fire mentioned by Xenophon hell. I 6, 1 in 406 and was still in the 4th century. and remained the main cult local for a longer period until the imperial era. So far, Dörpfeld's opponents have not succeeded in making it probable that in documents of the same year the rubrics ἐκ τοῦ Παρθενῶνος and ἐκ τοῦ ὀπισθοδόμου can mean the same local (cf. Dörpfeld Athen. Mitt. XII 204. 276; S.-Ber. Akad . Berl. 1887, 1201, 45. Furtwängler loc. Cit. 174. Frazer Journ. Hell. Stud. XIII 153ff.). Milchhöfer's desperate attempt at Philol. N. F. VII 382ff. To make the Opisthodom a special building again is an admission of this fact. That the Parthenon was originally intended to include the old image of the Polias next to the statue of Pheidias, and that this plan was only prevented by the conservative opposing party of Pericles, is what Furtwängler 183 seeks from the presentation of the Panathenaean Peplos shown in the center of the frieze to conclude, even if the interpretation of that middle group were beyond all doubt.
13. After the peace of Nicias, a new Ionic temple, the Erechtheion, was built over the holy painting (for the construction time cf. Michaelis Athens. Mitt. XIV 363ff.). In Furtwängler's opinion, it would be in place of the old  Polia temple whose cella would have been broken off at the time. The periegesis of Pausanias I 26 is unfortunately not detailed enough to determine with complete certainty the remains and traces that have been preserved. The interior of the Erechtheion was divided into three rooms by two transverse walls: two lower rooms in the west and, connected to them by a door, a larger cella in the east (cf. Paus, descr. Arcis² pl. VI). There was a column position in front of the east entrance to the east cella and in front of the north entrance to the west rooms. In the south, the Korenhalle was in front of the western rooms. The entrance mentioned by Pausanias is the large door in the north of the western area, the altar of Zeus Hypatos in front of it is in any case identical to the altar τοῦ θυήχου in the north hall mentioned in the building inscriptions (cf. Petersen Athens. Mitt. X 7ff.). Under the floor of the north hall, Bormann also discovered the trident mark mentioned by Pausanias, which was closely related to the salt well inside the sanctuary (Athens. Mitt. VI 380ff.). After entering through the north door, Pausanias immediately mentions the main altars, one of Poseidon, on which, as a result of an oracle, sacrifices were also made to Erechtheus, one of Bute, and a third of Hephaestus. On the walls are pictures of the Eteobutaden and inside there is also the salt fountain, because the room is double. Much has been argued about the latter designation (διπλοῦν γὰρ τὸ οἴκημα). Furtwängler a. a. O. 194 assumes that Pausanias only speaks of the inner western area, and that this was divided into a northern and a southern half by a transverse wall. According to Dörpfeld, this transverse wall may not have existed according to the remains that have been preserved, the room rather disintegrated into an upper paved and a kind of crypt with the trident and the salt well in the natural rock. Furtwängler's assumption that the westernmost area was called Kekropion is also erroneous. Since in the inscription from J. 409/8 CIA I 322 = Paus. descr. arcis² p. 46 a certain corner, the south-western one, is called the corner at Kekropion, the north-western corner cannot also be at Kekropion. Since there is now evidence of a building, probably a grave, lying in the ground below the south-western corner, which has been spared during the construction, and has made very complicated constructions necessary at the corner (the corner is floating in the air without a foundation), so in this corner we can see the corner by the Kekropion and in the old holy building the Kekropsgrab. '[Doe.] The wall designated in the inscription as lying at the Pandroseion is then the west wall, συνεχὴς τῷ ναῷ, d. H. the old Polia temple, the holy area of Pausanias I 27, 2 bordered to the south of this, to the east by the Erechtheion, can very well be called. In it was the sacred olive tree. The Periegese of Pausanias then goes back to the old Polia temple at I 26, 6, in which he mentions the old Xoanon, which fell from heaven, and also the bronze lamp of Callimachus in the form of a palm tree, which only needed to be filled with oil once a year , also I 27, 1 under the heading , Consecration gifts ‘a Hermes des Kekrops hidden in myrtle veins, a folding chair from Daidalos and trophies from the battle of Plataiai.
14. In any case, the Erechtheion was intended from the beginning not only to contain the earthen marks and the altars of Poseidon-Erechtheus, Butes and Hephaestus, but the Ostcella was intended for the ancient Xoanon and the cult of the Polias. The old polia stamp should no doubt be completely demolished, otherwise the Korenhalle would not have been placed directly in front of its north wall. This is also evident from the often mentioned inscription, in which Z. 1 the Erechtheion is referred to as νεὼς ἐν ᾧ τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἄγαλμα. It was therefore generally assumed earlier that the Erechtheion really housed the old image of the Polias, and that therefore since its construction the name Temple of the Polias and then also transferred from the old cult image, the old temple ‘applied to it. In any case, the name of the inscription is proleptic. In 409 the Erechtheion still had no roof, frieze and geison were still missing. Dörpfeld now assumes that the cult image never came into the Erechtheion, and the relative clause of the inscription only expresses the future determination, exactly as in the same inscription line 41 ὁ Ἐλευσινιακὸς λίθος πρὸς ᾧ τὰ ζῶια goes to the future. We cannot calculate why the planned conversion has not been completed. Wernicke's attempt at Athens failed. Mitt. XII 184ff., To discredit the reliability of Pausanias and to read from him again (after Ulrichs Reis. And Forsch. II 148) a special temple of A. Ergane. The A. Polias is just an Ergane in Athens as in Erythrai (cf. Robert Herm. XXII 135. Dörpfeld Athens. Mitt. XIV 304ff .; where one looked for the Ergane temple, between Propylaeen and Parthenon, was rather the Chalkothek; Paus. I 24, 3 is in any case incomplete, but an unreliability of his periegesis is nowhere proven). We can no longer determine whether certain politically religious tendencies were expressed in the construction of the Erechtheion and which ones. Furtwängler suspects the company's orthodox conservative origins, for example in the party of Nikias.
At the same time as the Erechtheion, the small Ionic temple of A. Nike on the southwest corner of the castle, which perhaps took the place of an older altar, belongs. From Dörpfeld (Athens. Mitt. X 74ff.) And from Wolters Bonn studies 92ff. it has been proven that the restriction of the original plan of the Propylaeenbau cannot yet have been caused by the current Niketempel, and that it could therefore only have started during the Peloponnesian War. The reason for the foundation, previously assumed by Benndorf (about the cult image of A. Nike, Vienna 1879), Kimon's victory at Eurimedon, no longer finds any representatives. Furtwängler a a. O. 210 assumes that the successes of the Conservative generals Nikias and Demosthenes from years 426/5 caused the establishment of the little temple. In any case, it has no connection with the Pericles projects. 
Probably until the 6th century. The cult of A. Hygieia goes back to the castle, as the dedicatory inscriptions of the potters Euphronios (Arch. Jahrb. II 144. CIA IV p. 154) and Kallis (Athens. Mitt. XVI 154) show. There will already have been a special altar at that time. Later there was an altar behind the Propylaeen, with a statue of A. Hygieia of Pyrrhos (Paus. I 23, 4). The legend traces this foundation back to Pericles in various ways (Plut. Per. 13. Plin. Nh XXII 17. 20), A. had revealed in a dream the herb through which a worker who had fallen down while building was to be cured, for his image the so-called Splanchnoptes of the Styppax was held. Wolters Athens. Mitt. XVI 153ff. has proven that the altar and the picture take the Propylaeen into consideration, i.e. that they were only erected during the Peloponnesian War after the great plague. An altar of A. Hygieia also in the Demos Acharnai, Paus. I 63, 1.
In any case, in the lower town there is a place of the A. cult of venerable age and certainly from the beginning in connection with the cults of the castle, the place of jurisdiction ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ, according to Plut. Thes. 27 located in the south of the castle. Here, at least since Drakon, the ephetians spoke justice about unintentional killing. The Atthids derived this Palladion from Troy in various ways (Kleidemos frg. 12 and Phanodemos frg. 12 in Suid. S. Ἐπὶ Παλλαδίῳ. Paus. I 28, 8f. Pherekyd. Frg. 101). Demophon is said to have captured it in a nocturnal scuffle from the Argives under Diomedes, who he thought were robbers, about which the first exemplary court session takes place at the same time. The acquittal of Demophons, but not the Palladion's stay in Athens, is motivated by the common legend; hence the story of Demophon's betrayal in Polyaen I 5. A. is connected with Zeus in the cult, CIA III 71, both cults were hereditary in the Buzygen family (cf. O. Müller Eumeniden 155ff. J. Toepffer Att. Geneal. 145ff.).
15. Cult sagas and cult acts.The Attic legends of A. are mainly related to the cult of the Erechtheion and the most distinguished noble families owe their reputation to it. The goddess appears here in close cult association with Poseidon-Erechtheus. The fact that Erechtheus only received a share in the altar of Poseidon as a result of an oracle (cf. § 13) is of course a reversal of the true relationship, from a time when Erechtheus had lost his divine reputation. That he was originally the ruler of the sea is also proven by the name of the θάλασσα Ἐρεχθῄς, and Ἐρεχθεύς appears on inscriptions as the epithet of Poseidon CIA I 387. III 276, according to Ilias II 547ff. he receives rich offerings from bulls and rams and according to Herod. V 82 the epidaurs have to commit themselves to annual sacrifices to the A. Polias and the Erechtheus. The legend of the dispute between the two deities over Athens is secondary and only has the purpose of explaining the close cultic community of both as a result of the arbitration tribunal that settled this dispute (cf. § 9). It does not at all allow the conclusion that one of the two deities  a later intruder. The two gods in this cult union were never thought of in conjugal union; they are united because they share equally in the prosperity of the landscape. The salt spring is a symbol of the power with which Poseidon-Erechtheus spares the country, the olive is only the most expressive, probably not the oldest symbol of the culture-promoting goddess.
A. appears in a different relationship to Erechtheus in Ilias II 547ff. She is the nurse of the earthborn offspring and sets him down in Athens in her rich temple, where the Athenians appease him with sacrifices of bulls and rams. At this point we are already talking about δῆμος Ἐρεχθῆος, Erechtheus is to be understood here as the mythical king of the Athenians and earthborn as ruler over the autochthons (intentionally, the goddess Gaia is not named as his mother, but the elementary ζείδωρος ἄρουρα). The weathering of ancient gods into primeval sovereign kings may have started very early in Athens. Kekrops, Erechtheus, Pandion and Aigeus belong to the oldest holdings, falling before the actual genealogical construction, which still asserts itself with Herodotus (still on a bowl with Erichthonios birth Mon. d. Inst. X 39 are simultaneously present Kekrops, Erechtheus and Pallas ), Erechtheus is perhaps more original than Kekrops, at least he was originally thought to be the first, and so the first land king as the fosterling of the land goddess is a very simple thought, perhaps initially without any deeper mythological perspectives. But of course there are already more mythical entanglements of the forms and customs given by the cult in ancient times. Since the beginning of the 5th century. the fosterling As is generally called Erichthonios, first in the Danais and in Pindar (Harpokr. s. αὐτόχθονες), then in Euripides Ion 21. It doesn’t matter whether Erechtheus is short form of Erichthonios, or rather Erichthonios an old further development, which the chthonic character of the hero emphasizes (he cannot be separated from the Trojan King Erichthonios, the owner of the mares who are impregnated by Boreas, Il. XX 219ff.), there is no doubt about the original identity of both figures. The reception of Erichthonios from the hand of the earth goddess by A. has also been in Attic art since the 5th century at the latest. very popular. The later formation of myths does not calm down with the autochthony, but gives Erichthonios Hephaestus as his father. When A. withdrew from his embrace, his seed fell on earth and this then gave birth to Erichthonios and handed over to A. for education (Tab.Borg, in Jahn-Michaelis Bilderchroniken VI = CIG 6129 B. Apollod. III 14, 6 ). The love pursuit of Hephaestus was supposedly already in the 6th century. depicted by the Magnesian Bathycles on the throne of the Amyclaean Apollo, pause. III 8, 13.
A. hides the child in a basket and gives it to Kekrops' daughters, Aglauros, Herse and Pandrosus (Eurip. Ion, 22nd pause. I 18, 2. Antig. Mir. 12). Despite the prohibition, Aglauros and Herse open the basket and see the  Child as a snake or surrounded by snakes; they are then killed by the snake or rush frantically from the castle rock (Eurip. Ion 273. Paus. a. a. O .; after Hygin. fab. 166 into the sea). Euripides Ion 24f. recounts that as a result of that event it was the custom in Athens to give children golden snakes as amulets. Later construction of myths also included Erichthonios in the Attic royal series and even doubled him, and he was presumably identified with the sacred serpent of A., which was fed in Erechtheion and placed by Pheidias under the shield of Parthenos. In the usual way, Erichthonios is then also regarded as the founder of all kinds of cults and festivals, namely by the Panathenaeen, he is said to have shown the art of rose-steering learned from the goddess to the first Panathenaeen (Hellanikos in Harpokr. S. Παναθήναια. Marm. Par. 18).
In any case, the fatherhood of Hephaestus is secondary to these myths, although he too dates back to the 6th century. may reach back; the altar of God in Erechtheion is likely to have been associated with this myth at an early stage; in the cult it does not seem to have played a major role.
16. In contrast, the παρθένοι Ἀγραυλίδες, the three Kekrop daughters, are certainly linked to the beginnings of the cult and their legends are partly exemplary for certain customs. Only Pandrosos and Aglauros definitely emerge, as their names are attested to as the names of A. von Harpokration and Suidas s. Ἀγραυλίδες. Only the form Ἄγλαυρος is inscribed CIA II 1369. III 372. Athens. Mitt. X 33. The Pandroseion was on the castle itself west of the Erechtheion (see above § 13), Pandrosus himself, the obedient keeper of the entrusted healing, is the heroic model of the Polias priestess, whose office was hereditary in the race of the Eteobutads. She is said to have woven the first woolen garment with her sisters, as the priestess herself wore and wrapped around the victim (Photo and Suid. See προτόνιον). Aglauros had her sanctuary on the northeast slope of the castle under the μακραὶ πέτραι, apparently at the place where she had found death (Herodotus. VIII 52. 53. Paus. I 18, 2). In any case, her death originally motivated some bloody sacrifice or atonement (Welcker trilogy 285), as she does in fact receive human sacrifice in the Cypriot Salamis, where she is worshiped together with A. and Diomedes (Porphyry de abst. II 54). In Athens the Ephebe swear the armed oath in their sanctuary (Dem. XIX 303 with Schol. Poll. VIII 106), and they are also involved in the Cypriot human sacrifice by leading the sacrificial man three times around the altar. After Apollod. III 14, 2 gives birth to Agraulos of Ares the alcippe; When the son of Poseidon Halirrhotios tries to do this violence, he is killed by Ares and this acquitted on the Areopagus for φόνος δίκαιος (Hellanik. frg. 69. 82, on this Kirchhoff Herm. VIII 184ff.). Ovid finally leaves. met. II 827 that Aglauros are turned into stone by Hermes because she opposes his love for Herse, see F. A. Voigt Contributor. Mythol. des Ares and Athena, Leipz. Stud. IV 255, who rightly  suspects that petrifying actually belonged to the abilities of the terrible goddess associated with Ares herself. Mysteries of Aglauros mentions Athenagoras leg. P. Christian. 1 (cf. Art. Aglauros, vol. I, p. 825ff.).
The παρθένοι Ἐρεχθῇδες Protogoneia and Pandora also belong to the cult circle of the Polias. A sheep was sacrificed to Pandora when the goddess received a cult sacrifice (Philochor. Frg. 32 in Harpokr. S. Ἐπίβοιον). The Attic Hοre Thallo is linked to the Pandrosus in the cult after Paus. IX 35, 3. In any case, through the legends linked to A. and her circle and through the news about the festivals held by the state in historical times, only very fragmented memories of the once complicated nature of the cult and the ideas on which it is based have been preserved. From these, however, one can see how closely A.'s religion grew together with the local peculiarities of the castle rock.
17. Even in the state cult of A., the Eteobutaden clan always maintained their privileged position (cf. Toepffer Att. Geneal. 113–128 on the following). His heroic ancestor Butes, a Poseidonian figure who was not limited to Attica (cf. Böhlau Bonn. Stud. 126ff.), Had an altar and his own priest in the Erechtheion (armchair with inscription ἱερέως Βούτου from the 4th century, CIA II 1656 = CIA III 302, not referring to the ἱερεὺς βούτης, who came from the Keryken family and belonged to the cult personnel of Zeus Πολιεύς; cf. Toepffer Att. Geneal. 159). At standing officials, the family put the Poseidon priest and the priestess of the Polias, who must have been or must have been married (Plut. Num. 9). This priestess represents the goddess on the strange visit that she and Aigis had to pay to the newlyweds' house in order to keep mischief away (Zonar. Lex. P. 77. O. Jahn Ber. Sächs. Gesellsch. 1855, 60). It was possible that it was not until the 6th century. the Polias priestess systematically used for the religious consecration of important family events. In [Aristotle] Economics II 2, 4 p. In 1347 a 4 there is the message that Hippias had decreed that she should receive a bushel of barley, a bushel of wheat and an obol with every case of birth or death, but certainly not without consideration from her side.
The participation of the sex first emerges in two inspections, which already represent a fusion of Old Attic rites with the Eleusinian religion. When the seeds first germinated, the Eleusinian goddesses and the A. the Procharisteries were celebrated, with the Crokonides and the Eteobutads exercising their priesthood (Harpokr. S. Προχαιρητήρια. Suid. S. Προχαριστήρια. Bekker Anecd.
Likewise, in midsummer on the 12th Skirophorion, the Skirophoria of A. and the Eleusinian deities apply together; the sacrifice seems to have been aimed at averting the fatal heat. The procession, in which the Eteobutades took part under the priest of Erechtheus and the priestess of the Polias, as well as the priest of Helios, seems to proceed from the Polia temple on the road to Eleusis to the suburbs  Moving Skiron where A. Skiras owned a temple, Phot. see Σκίρον. The priest of Erechtheus carried a large white parasol (from which the name of the festival is supposedly σκῖρον = σκιάδειον, Lysimachid. At Harpokr. S. Σκῖρον and Schol. Aristoph. Eccl. 18). At the Skiron the A. was sacrificed and at the same time the women made a mystical offering to the Eleusinian goddesses, the σκῖρα in the narrower sense (Schol. Aristoph. Thesm. 834). The fact that the skin of the atonement ram slaughtered by Zeus Meilichios was also taken with it indicates mysterious atonement caerimonia (Suid. And Hesych. S. Διὸς κῴδιον). The sacred plowing which Plutarch coni. praec. 42 mentioned on Skiron, is also a compromise between Athenian and Eleusinian cults. C. Robert's attempt (Herm. XX 349f.) To deny the sanctuary of A. am Skiron and the designation of the Skirophoria on A. has been refuted by E. Rohde (Herm. XXI 116ff.). This ascent has nothing to do with the sanctuary of A. Σκιράς on the Phaleron.
In the same month as the Skirophoria, the celebration of the Errhephorias or Arrhephorias, about which Pausania's allusions (I 27, 3) do not provide sufficient clarification, takes place in Athens. Four girls were elected κατ ’εὐγένειαν, two of them designated the βασιλεύς as Errhephors (Harpokr. S. Ἀῤῥηφορεῖν). For a certain period of time they lived secluded near the Erechtheion, and on the festival in question they were given holy shrines veiled by the priestess of the Polias, which she did not even know, to take them down underground at night to the 'gardens' in the holy district of the To carry Aphrodite and from there others back to the castle. Toepffer's assumption a. a. O. 121 that we have to think of the mystical action, for example according to the analogy of the ἀῤῥητοφορία for Demeter and her daughter (linguistic connection is of course excluded), as it was done by E. Rohde Rhein. Mus. XXV 548 describes the well-known Lukianscholion. In any case, it is a question of a vegetation magic, and the Erichthoniosage is likely to be aitiological for this custom, even if in the form that we have received from it essentially only the warning against untimely curiosity can be inferred.
18. Two further festivals, which were based on the old image of the Polias and were also connected with mysterious rites, are the Kallynteries on the 19th and the Plynteries on the 24th Thargelion. The people performing this festival were the praxisgiden family (Plut. Alkib. 34. Hesych. S. Πραξιεργίδαι. Toepffer a. Op. Cit. 133ff.), Perhaps originally an old guild of carvers. In any case, they are generally subordinate to the Polias priestess, who, probably because of the gloomy character of the Caerimonies, did not even lend a hand. CIA II 374 mentions a support which this has given the praxiergiden and the family erects a statue of honor in the inscription Ἐφ to a Polias priestess. ἀρχ.
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